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            [Title] => Anarchism
            [Subtitle] => Anarchist and Anti-Authoritarianism
            [ListTitle] => Anarchism
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            [Code] => anarchism
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                            [Description] => A collection of historic materials detailing Anarchism, Libertarianism, and Anti-Authoritarianism.  By understanding more about the past, we can better apply the principles we discover today.
                            [Source] => 
                            [Language] => 
                            [Entryid] => 4
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                            [Quote] => ...there is no revolution without the masses...
                            [Source] => Mikhail Bakunin
                            [Language] => en
                            [Entryid] => 4
                            [OriginalCreationDate] => 2016-10-24 16:48:22
                            [LastModificationDate] => 2019-05-27 15:57:32
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                    [1] => Array
                        (
                            [id] => 359
                            [Quote] => As to parliamentary rule, and representative government altogether...  It is becoming evident that it is merely stupid to elect a few men, and to entrust them with the task of making laws on all possible subjects, of which subject most of them are utterly ignorant.
                            [Source] => Peter Kropotkin
                            [Language] => en
                            [Entryid] => 4
                            [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:06:03
                            [LastModificationDate] => 2019-05-27 15:57:32
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                    [2] => Array
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                            [id] => 360
                            [Quote] => It has cost mankind much time and blood to secure what little it has gained so far from kings, czars and governments.
                            [Source] => Emma Goldman
                            [Language] => en
                            [Entryid] => 4
                            [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:06:03
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                            [Quote] => "But," it is usually asked, "What will there be instead of Governments?"

There will be nothing. Something that has long been useless, and therefore superfluous and bad, will be abolished. An organ that, being unnecessary, has become harmful, will be abolished.
                            [Source] => Leo Tolstoy
                            [Language] => en
                            [Entryid] => 4
                            [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:06:03
                            [LastModificationDate] => 2019-05-27 15:57:32
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                            [id] => 362
                            [Quote] => ..."higher powers" exist only through my exalting them and abasing myself.
                            [Source] => Max Stirner
                            [Language] => en
                            [Entryid] => 4
                            [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:06:03
                            [LastModificationDate] => 2019-05-27 15:57:32
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                            [id] => 363
                            [Quote] => ...government only interferes to exploit the masses, or defend the privileged, or, lastly, to sanction, most unnecessarily, all that has been done without its aid, often in spite of and opposition to it.
                            [Source] => Errico Malatesta
                            [Language] => en
                            [Entryid] => 4
                            [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:06:03
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                            [Text] => 

Want to know about Anarchism as a theory and a movement throughout history and up to the present? Then you've found the right place.

Whether it is Collectivist Anarchism or Individualist Anarchism, Mutualist Anarchism or Communist Anarchism, every type is given its bit of room for expression here.

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PREFACE

Our attempt to sketch the outlines of a transformed society, for the purpose of establishing libertarian socialism, runs up against some realities and difficulties that we cannot ignore. The improvement of the military techniques of the states and the new conservative forces, no longer allows us to expect that the people themselves will be capable of victory, by force of arms, against tanks, jet bombers, modern artillery, H-bombs and guided missiles. In other times, despite an almost total parity in armament, no social revolution was ever able to win by force of arms; such an outcome is even less likely now.[1]

Furthermore, the modern economy implies the interdependence of all nations. If a trade embargo were to be enforced against France, depriving that country of petroleum and its derivative products, as well as the fifteen million tons of coal annually purchased by France, and then of its Saharan gas supplies and the numerous raw materials imported from the four corners of the earth, this would lead to an unendurable economic situation, and all the more so as, for many proletarians, the revolution must entail an immediate improvement in their living conditions.

From numerous perspectives the problems we face therefore appear to be insoluble, since they are largely new problems or have acquired such dimensions that they can discourage us from addressing them. However, two historical reference points permit those of us who are trying to adapt to the new circumstances to entertain renewed hopes.

As we shall see, these reference points are only valid within the framework of our time and within that of the social and moral development that has been achieved by human societies.

The first reference point is the liberation of India. This liberation movement proved that it is possible to achieve in our time, and under favorable international political conditions, something that would have seemed absurd to even consider prior to the First World War: a population colonized by a powerful nation disposing of the means to impose its rule for a very long time, defeated the imperialism to which it was subject, without the use of armed force, violent struggle, or traditional combat. Gandhi’s tactics, which were the same as those of Tolstoy, who for his part appears to have been inspired by Proudhon, have demonstrated their practical value. If the moral power of the combatants, their tenacity, their identification with the public will, their civil courage, and even their heroism, are unhesitatingly mobilized, other no less significant victories are possible.

This is a great lesson that we must learn to profit from, by adapting this method to the specific conditions of the time and place in which the social struggles of the future will unfold.

We have therefore arrived at a stage of development of civilized humanity that, in the non-totalitarian countries, allows us to attempt to do things that have long been unthinkable.

One could imagine and elaborate, on the basis of active but nonviolent struggle, an entire battle strategy in which the truly syndicalist trade unions, the truly cooperative cooperatives, and the communities that boldly attempt to carry out integral projects can and must engage in the construction, both in the sphere of public spirit as well as that of the economy, the new world that has to be developed within the society of the present.

The second reference point is the occupation of the factories throughout a large part of France in June 1936. It is a fact of enormous importance that the workers were not evicted from the workplaces, by force, nor was any attempt made to evict them, as was also the case in Italy, during a similar experience that took place in 1920.

In both instances, there could have been many victims. In the most civilized countries the governments thought twice before repeating the massacres of 1848 or 1871, massacres that were publicized all over the world and are still linked with the names of the men and parties that ordered them. We shall not forget, however, that it was a Labor government that proclaimed India’s freedom—Churchill would not have done so—and that it was Blum who, at the request of the pro-capitalist parties, negotiated with the strikers of 1936. This is the essential function of politics.

We must point out that in the two cases of occupations of the factories, the workers did not rise to the occasion of their historical role. They neither knew how to operate the factories nor how to assure production, at least to the extent that the existing stocks of raw materials, energy and available means of transport would have allowed. Unlike the workers of Barcelona, Catalonia and the Levant in Spain, the French and Italian workers were incapable of replacing the boss and management, proof that the general strike is no panacea, and that it leads nowhere if it is not just expropriatory, but also organizational.

In the latter case, of course, it would no longer be a strike and would instead become a revolution transforming the social structures. But in order for it to accomplish this, preparations must be made. The Spanish libertarians did not improvise. Their achievements were the culmination of a long psychological and practical process, one that was always focused on the final goal.

When a favorable opportunity arose, they took advantage of it.

[Source] => TheAnarchistLibrary.org [Language] => en [WordCount] => 891 [CharacterCount] => 5612 [Entryid] => 3326 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2019-07-13 17:56:00 [LastModificationDate] => 2019-07-13 17:56:00 ) ) [image] => [imagetranslation] => [tag] => [link] => [eventdate] => [availabilitydaterange] => Array ( [0] => Array ( [id] => 5433 [AvailabilityStart] => 0000-00-00 00:00:00 [AvailabilityEnd] => 0000-00-00 00:00:00 [Entryid] => 3326 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2019-07-13 17:56:00 [LastModificationDate] => 2019-07-13 17:56:00 ) ) [association] => [definition] => [associated] => ) ) MASTER RECORD: Array ( [id] => 3 [Title] => Revolt Library [Subtitle] => Revolutionary Materials from the Past [ListTitle] => Revolt Library [ListTitleSortKey] => [Code] => RevoltLib.com [ChildAdjective] => [ChildNoun] => [ChildNounPlural] => [OriginalCreationDate] => 2016-10-24 16:48:04 [LastModificationDate] => 2019-03-20 08:31:10 [assignment] => Array ( [id] => 4 [Parentid] => 3 [Childid] => 0 ) [entrytranslation] => [description] => Array ( [0] => Array ( [id] => 4 [Description] => Want to know how they fought the state and capitalism in the past? Look no further! All the answers about history's anti-authoritarian battles can be found here. [Source] => [Language] => [Entryid] => 3 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2016-10-24 16:48:04 [LastModificationDate] => 2019-03-20 08:31:10 ) ) [quote] => Array ( [0] => Array ( [id] => 4 [Quote] => Masters cannot give you anything without first taking it from you. [Source] => [Language] => [Entryid] => 3 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2016-10-24 16:48:05 [LastModificationDate] => 2019-03-20 08:31:10 ) ) [textbody] => Array ( [0] => Array ( [id] => 4 [Text] =>

Welcome to RevoltLib! Here you will find an archive of materials from the past that once helped people to abolish the state, fight capitalism, end sexism, demolish imperialism, and eliminate all forms of social domination. Information is power -- arm yourself!

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The mission behind RevoltLib is to provide reliable, interactive, and comprehensive access to written works about Revolution, and Anarchism in particular.

Reliability is important. The site's guaranteed uptime is maintained by a dedicated, software engineering professional who is always monitoring for problems. Each book, essay, or other written work provided is made available in multiple formats (txt, pdf, etc.), so that if one particular format is unsuitable, there will be others you can download. And the site is powered with a set of error detection and correction utilities, which can fix anything from typos and spelling errors to British/American spelling equivalents and optical-cypher-recognition (OCR) mistranslations.

Interactive websites are more likely to offer a richer and more rewarding experience. Users (with Google accounts) can login, comment, and like/dislike any page about the authors or containing the works of the authors. Tagging related works with the same keywords can help people more easily find similar works of interest. There is even a way to listen to each text as audio, with your own preference of voice (Chrome-only).

Comprehensive is the part of the mission that never ends. There are still many texts available that just have not yet been upload, some of them are just image files of pages still requiring OCR, some of them have not even been scanned, and many of them are not physically available except at ridiculously exorbitant prices from rare book collectors. We want to get more and more texts, and we want to do it in a way that is more and more reliable and interactive.

[Source] => [Language] => en [WordCount] => 262 [CharacterCount] => 1694 [Entryid] => 3 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2018-02-10 07:34:32 [LastModificationDate] => 2019-03-20 08:31:10 ) [2] => Array ( [id] => 2903 [Text] =>

RevoltLib was launched on Oct 24, 2016. Two events are responsible for triggering its creation: a software engineer and activist had just built a CMS (Content-Management-System) and was looking for a project to deploy it with; and, at the same time, Anarchy Archives, the longest-living and largest collection of Anarchist works, had gone down (it has seen been brought back online). Seeing the opportunity, I took it, and built what is now RevoltLib, largely from Anarchy Archives, but also from a good, healthy number of other sources, some of them no longer available.

By the end of 2016, the entirety of the sorted sections of Anarchy Archives had been brought into RevoltLib. In 2017, the focus was spent optimizing and cleaning code, adding a minimal feature-set, and building tools to generate information about the texts, such as keywords and glossaries. And 2018 is now here. RevoltLib is ready to keep going forward.

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There is one person behind RevoltLib: UprisingEngineer. He is an activist, a software engineeer, a wobbly, a supporter of AK Press, and a trip hop fanatic.

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PREFACE

Our attempt to sketch the outlines of a transformed society, for the purpose of establishing libertarian socialism, runs up against some realities and difficulties that we cannot ignore. The improvement of the military techniques of the states and the new conservative forces, no longer allows us to expect that the people themselves will be capable of victory, by force of arms, against tanks, jet bombers, modern artillery, H-bombs and guided missiles. In other times, despite an almost total parity in armament, no social revolution was ever able to win by force of arms; such an outcome is even less likely now.[1]

Furthermore, the modern economy implies the interdependence of all nations. If a trade embargo were to be enforced against France, depriving that country of petroleum and its derivative products, as well as the fifteen million tons of coal annually purchased by France, and then of its Saharan gas supplies and the numerous raw materials imported from the four corners of the earth, this would lead to an unendurable economic situation, and all the more so as, for many proletarians, the revolution must entail an immediate improvement in their living conditions.

From numerous perspectives the problems we face therefore appear to be insoluble, since they are largely new problems or have acquired such dimensions that they can discourage us from addressing them. However, two historical reference points permit those of us who are trying to adapt to the new circumstances to entertain renewed hopes.

As we shall see, these reference points are only valid within the framework of our time and within that of the social and moral development that has been achieved by human societies.

The first reference point is the liberation of India. This liberation movement proved that it is possible to achieve in our time, and under favorable international political conditions, something that would have seemed absurd to even consider prior to the First World War: a population colonized by a powerful nation disposing of the means to impose its rule for a very long time, defeated the imperialism to which it was subject, without the use of armed force, violent struggle, or traditional combat. Gandhi’s tactics, which were the same as those of Tolstoy, who for his part appears to have been inspired by Proudhon, have demonstrated their practical value. If the moral power of the combatants, their tenacity, their identification with the public will, their civil courage, and even their heroism, are unhesitatingly mobilized, other no less significant victories are possible.

This is a great lesson that we must learn to profit from, by adapting this method to the specific conditions of the time and place in which the social struggles of the future will unfold.

We have therefore arrived at a stage of development of civilized humanity that, in the non-totalitarian countries, allows us to attempt to do things that have long been unthinkable.

One could imagine and elaborate, on the basis of active but nonviolent struggle, an entire battle strategy in which the truly syndicalist trade unions, the truly cooperative cooperatives, and the communities that boldly attempt to carry out integral projects can and must engage in the construction, both in the sphere of public spirit as well as that of the economy, the new world that has to be developed within the society of the present.

The second reference point is the occupation of the factories throughout a large part of France in June 1936. It is a fact of enormous importance that the workers were not evicted from the workplaces, by force, nor was any attempt made to evict them, as was also the case in Italy, during a similar experience that took place in 1920.

In both instances, there could have been many victims. In the most civilized countries the governments thought twice before repeating the massacres of 1848 or 1871, massacres that were publicized all over the world and are still linked with the names of the men and parties that ordered them. We shall not forget, however, that it was a Labor government that proclaimed India’s freedom—Churchill would not have done so—and that it was Blum who, at the request of the pro-capitalist parties, negotiated with the strikers of 1936. This is the essential function of politics.

We must point out that in the two cases of occupations of the factories, the workers did not rise to the occasion of their historical role. They neither knew how to operate the factories nor how to assure production, at least to the extent that the existing stocks of raw materials, energy and available means of transport would have allowed. Unlike the workers of Barcelona, Catalonia and the Levant in Spain, the French and Italian workers were incapable of replacing the boss and management, proof that the general strike is no panacea, and that it leads nowhere if it is not just expropriatory, but also organizational.

In the latter case, of course, it would no longer be a strike and would instead become a revolution transforming the social structures. But in order for it to accomplish this, preparations must be made. The Spanish libertarians did not improvise. Their achievements were the culmination of a long psychological and practical process, one that was always focused on the final goal.

When a favorable opportunity arose, they took advantage of it.

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3326 preface Preface Alpha Material-001 2019-07-13 17:56:00 2019-07-13 17:56:00 3284

PREFACE

Our attempt to sketch the outlines of a transformed society, for the purpose of establishing libertarian socialism, runs up against some realities and difficulties that we cannot ignore. The improvement of the military techniques of the states and the new conservative forces, no longer allows us to expect that the people themselves will be capable of victory, by force of arms, against tanks, jet bombers, modern artillery, H-bombs and guided missiles. In other times, despite an almost total parity in armament, no social revolution was ever able to win by force of arms; such an outcome is even less likely now.[1]

Furthermore, the modern economy implies the interdependence of all nations. If a trade embargo were to be enforced against France, depriving that country of petroleum and its derivative products, as well as the fifteen million tons of coal annually purchased by France, and then of its Saharan gas supplies and the numerous raw materials imported from the four corners of the earth, this would lead to an unendurable economic situation, and all the more so as, for many proletarians, the revolution must entail an immediate improvement in their living conditions.

From numerous perspectives the problems we face therefore appear to be insoluble, since they are largely new problems or have acquired such dimensions that they can discourage us from addressing them. However, two historical reference points permit those of us who are trying to adapt to the new circumstances to entertain renewed hopes.

As we shall see, these reference points are only valid within the framework of our time and within that of the social and moral development that has been achieved by human societies.

The first reference point is the liberation of India. This liberation movement proved that it is possible to achieve in our time, and under favorable international political conditions, something that would have seemed absurd to even consider prior to the First World War: a population colonized by a powerful nation disposing of the means to impose its rule for a very long time, defeated the imperialism to which it was subject, without the use of armed force, violent struggle, or traditional combat. Gandhi’s tactics, which were the same as those of Tolstoy, who for his part appears to have been inspired by Proudhon, have demonstrated their practical value. If the moral power of the combatants, their tenacity, their identification with the public will, their civil courage, and even their heroism, are unhesitatingly mobilized, other no less significant victories are possible.

This is a great lesson that we must learn to profit from, by adapting this method to the specific conditions of the time and place in which the social struggles of the future will unfold.

We have therefore arrived at a stage of development of civilized humanity that, in the non-totalitarian countries, allows us to attempt to do things that have long been unthinkable.

One could imagine and elaborate, on the basis of active but nonviolent struggle, an entire battle strategy in which the truly syndicalist trade unions, the truly cooperative cooperatives, and the communities that boldly attempt to carry out integral projects can and must engage in the construction, both in the sphere of public spirit as well as that of the economy, the new world that has to be developed within the society of the present.

The second reference point is the occupation of the factories throughout a large part of France in June 1936. It is a fact of enormous importance that the workers were not evicted from the workplaces, by force, nor was any attempt made to evict them, as was also the case in Italy, during a similar experience that took place in 1920.

In both instances, there could have been many victims. In the most civilized countries the governments thought twice before repeating the massacres of 1848 or 1871, massacres that were publicized all over the world and are still linked with the names of the men and parties that ordered them. We shall not forget, however, that it was a Labor government that proclaimed India’s freedom—Churchill would not have done so—and that it was Blum who, at the request of the pro-capitalist parties, negotiated with the strikers of 1936. This is the essential function of politics.

We must point out that in the two cases of occupations of the factories, the workers did not rise to the occasion of their historical role. They neither knew how to operate the factories nor how to assure production, at least to the extent that the existing stocks of raw materials, energy and available means of transport would have allowed. Unlike the workers of Barcelona, Catalonia and the Levant in Spain, the French and Italian workers were incapable of replacing the boss and management, proof that the general strike is no panacea, and that it leads nowhere if it is not just expropriatory, but also organizational.

In the latter case, of course, it would no longer be a strike and would instead become a revolution transforming the social structures. But in order for it to accomplish this, preparations must be made. The Spanish libertarians did not improvise. Their achievements were the culmination of a long psychological and practical process, one that was always focused on the final goal.

When a favorable opportunity arose, they took advantage of it.

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