Master Control Program

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RECORD LIST:Array
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    [0] => Array
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            [id] => 4
            [Title] => Anarchism
            [Subtitle] => Anarchist and Anti-Authoritarianism
            [ListTitle] => Anarchism
            [Code] => anarchism
            [OriginalCreationDate] => 2016-10-24 16:48:21
            [LastModificationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:52:06
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                            [Description] => A collection of historic materials detailing Anarchism, Libertarianism, and Anti-Authoritarianism.  By understanding more about the past, we can better apply the principles we discover today.
                            [Source] => 
                            [Language] => 
                            [Entryid] => 4
                            [OriginalCreationDate] => 2016-10-24 16:48:21
                            [LastModificationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:52:06
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                            [id] => 5
                            [Quote] => ...there is no revolution without the masses...
                            [Source] => Mikhail Bakunin
                            [Language] => en
                            [Entryid] => 4
                            [OriginalCreationDate] => 2016-10-24 16:48:22
                            [LastModificationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:52:06
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                    [1] => Array
                        (
                            [id] => 359
                            [Quote] => As to parliamentary rule, and representative government altogether...  It is becoming evident that it is merely stupid to elect a few men, and to entrust them with the task of making laws on all possible subjects, of which subject most of them are utterly ignorant.
                            [Source] => Peter Kropotkin
                            [Language] => en
                            [Entryid] => 4
                            [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:06:03
                            [LastModificationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:52:06
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                    [2] => Array
                        (
                            [id] => 360
                            [Quote] => It has cost mankind much time and blood to secure what little it has gained so far from kings, czars and governments.
                            [Source] => Emma Goldman
                            [Language] => en
                            [Entryid] => 4
                            [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:06:03
                            [LastModificationDate] => 2017-10-12 10:43:01
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                            [id] => 361
                            [Quote] => "But," it is usually asked, "What will there be instead of Governments?"

There will be nothing. Something that has long been useless, and therefore superfluous and bad, will be abolished. An organ that, being unnecessary, has become harmful, will be abolished.
                            [Source] => Leo Tolstoy
                            [Language] => en
                            [Entryid] => 4
                            [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:06:03
                            [LastModificationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:52:06
                        )

                    [4] => Array
                        (
                            [id] => 362
                            [Quote] => ..."higher powers" exist only through my exalting them and abasing myself.
                            [Source] => Max Stirner
                            [Language] => en
                            [Entryid] => 4
                            [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:06:03
                            [LastModificationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:52:06
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                    [5] => Array
                        (
                            [id] => 363
                            [Quote] => ...government only interferes to exploit the masses, or defend the privileged, or, lastly, to sanction, most unnecessarily, all that has been done without its aid, often in spite of and opposition to it.
                            [Source] => Errico Malatesta
                            [Language] => en
                            [Entryid] => 4
                            [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:06:03
                            [LastModificationDate] => 2017-01-21 13:52:06
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                            [Text] => 

Want to know about Anarchism as a theory and a movement throughout history and up to the present? Then you've found the right place.

Whether it is Collectivist Anarchism or Individualist Anarchism, Mutualist Anarchism or Communist Anarchism, every type is given its bit of room for expression here.

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[OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:33 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:33 ) [95] => Array ( [id] => 30221 [Tag] => thought [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:33 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:33 ) [96] => Array ( [id] => 30222 [Tag] => world [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:33 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:33 ) [97] => Array ( [id] => 30223 [Tag] => tcheka [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:33 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:33 ) [98] => Array ( [id] => 30224 [Tag] => party [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:33 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:33 ) [99] => Array ( [id] => 30225 [Tag] => old [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [100] => Array ( [id] => 30226 [Tag] => museum [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [101] => Array ( [id] => 30227 [Tag] => labour [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [102] => Array ( [id] => 30228 [Tag] => red [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [103] => Array ( [id] => 30229 [Tag] => methods [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [104] => Array ( [id] => 30230 [Tag] => whole [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [105] => Array ( [id] => 30231 [Tag] => learned [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [106] => Array ( [id] => 30232 [Tag] => free [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [107] => Array ( [id] => 30233 [Tag] => room [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [108] => Array ( [id] => 30234 [Tag] => woman [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [109] => Array ( [id] => 30235 [Tag] => material [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [110] => Array ( [id] => 30236 [Tag] => military [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [111] => Array ( [id] => 30237 [Tag] => peasant [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [112] => Array ( [id] => 30238 [Tag] => american [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [113] => Array ( [id] => 30239 [Tag] => friends [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [114] => Array ( [id] => 30240 [Tag] => comrades [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [115] => Array ( [id] => 30241 [Tag] => jews [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:34 ) [116] => Array ( [id] => 30242 [Tag] => state [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [117] => Array ( [id] => 30243 [Tag] => members [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [118] => Array ( [id] => 30244 [Tag] => conditions [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [119] => Array ( [id] => 30245 [Tag] => might [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [120] => Array ( [id] => 30246 [Tag] => soldiers [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [121] => Array ( [id] => 30247 [Tag] => young [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [122] => Array ( [id] => 30248 [Tag] => department [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [123] => Array ( [id] => 30249 [Tag] => chairman [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [124] => Array ( [id] => 30250 [Tag] => disillusionment [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [125] => Array ( [id] => 30251 [Tag] => power [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [126] => Array ( [id] => 30252 [Tag] => kiev [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [127] => Array ( [id] => 30253 [Tag] => masses [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [128] => Array ( [id] => 30254 [Tag] => faith [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [129] => Array ( [id] => 30255 [Tag] => schools [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [130] => Array ( [id] => 30256 [Tag] => kharkov [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [131] => Array ( [id] => 30257 [Tag] => meeting [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [132] => Array ( [id] => 30258 [Tag] => prison [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [133] => Array ( [id] => 30259 [Tag] => living [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [134] => Array ( [id] => 30260 [Tag] => expedition [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [135] => Array ( [id] => 30261 [Tag] => bourgeoisie [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [136] => Array ( [id] => 30262 [Tag] => charge [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [137] => Array ( [id] => 30263 [Tag] => opportunity [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [138] => Array ( [id] => 30264 [Tag] => lunacharsky [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:35 ) [139] => Array ( [id] => 30265 [Tag] => education [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [140] => Array ( [id] => 30266 [Tag] => denikin [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [141] => Array ( [id] => 30267 [Tag] => kropotkin [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [142] => Array ( [id] => 30268 [Tag] => movement [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [143] => Array ( [id] => 30269 [Tag] => ukrainian [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [144] => Array ( [id] => 30270 [Tag] => régime [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [145] => Array ( [id] => 30271 [Tag] => just [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [146] => Array ( [id] => 30272 [Tag] => food [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [147] => Array ( [id] => 30273 [Tag] => spirit [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [148] => Array ( [id] => 30274 [Tag] => rations [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [149] => Array ( [id] => 30275 [Tag] => german [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [150] => Array ( [id] => 30276 [Tag] => struggle [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [151] => Array ( [id] => 30277 [Tag] => prisoners [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [152] => Array ( [id] => 30278 [Tag] => group [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [153] => Array ( [id] => 30279 [Tag] => bread [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [154] => Array ( [id] => 30280 [Tag] => promised [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [155] => Array ( [id] => 30281 [Tag] => povstantsi [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [156] => Array ( [id] => 30282 [Tag] => jewish [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [157] => Array ( [id] => 30283 [Tag] => spiridonova [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [158] => Array ( [id] => 30284 [Tag] => order [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [159] => Array ( [id] => 30285 [Tag] => persecution [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:36 ) [160] => Array ( [id] => 30286 [Tag] => balabanova [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [161] => Array ( [id] => 30287 [Tag] => arrested [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [162] => Array ( [id] => 30288 [Tag] => pogroms [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [163] => Array ( [id] => 30289 [Tag] => war [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [164] => Array ( [id] => 30290 [Tag] => lenin [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [165] => Array ( [id] => 30291 [Tag] => streets [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [166] => Array ( [id] => 30292 [Tag] => suffered [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [167] => Array ( [id] => 30293 [Tag] => trade [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [168] => Array ( [id] => 30294 [Tag] => gorki [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [169] => Array ( [id] => 30295 [Tag] => right [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [170] => Array ( [id] => 30296 [Tag] => zinoviev [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [171] => Array ( [id] => 30297 [Tag] => peace [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [172] => Array ( [id] => 30298 [Tag] => system [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [173] => Array ( [id] => 30299 [Tag] => 1923 [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [174] => Array ( [id] => 30300 [Tag] => revolutionists [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [175] => Array ( [id] => 30301 [Tag] => prisons [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [176] => Array ( [id] => 30302 [Tag] => organization [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [177] => Array ( [id] => 30303 [Tag] => front [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [178] => Array ( [id] => 30304 [Tag] => poltava [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [179] => Array ( [id] => 30305 [Tag] => 1917 [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [180] => Array ( [id] => 30306 [Tag] => hope [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [181] => Array ( [id] => 30307 [Tag] => mind [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [182] => Array ( [id] => 30308 [Tag] => october [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [183] => Array ( [id] => 30309 [Tag] => cause [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [184] => Array ( [id] => 30310 [Tag] => forces [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [185] => Array ( [id] => 30311 [Tag] => freedom [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [186] => Array ( [id] => 30312 [Tag] => authorities [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [187] => Array ( [id] => 30313 [Tag] => common [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [188] => Array ( [id] => 30314 [Tag] => unions [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [189] => Array ( [id] => 30315 [Tag] => join [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [190] => Array ( [id] => 30316 [Tag] => fought [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [191] => Array ( [id] => 30317 [Tag] => experience [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [192] => Array ( [id] => 30318 [Tag] => industrial [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [193] => Array ( [id] => 30319 [Tag] => organized [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [194] => Array ( [id] => 30320 [Tag] => counter-revolutionary [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [195] => Array ( [id] => 30321 [Tag] => berkman [Language] => en [Entryid] => 535 [OriginalCreationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 [LastModificationDate] => 2017-03-22 17:03:37 ) [196] => Array ( [id] => 30322 [Tag] => regime [Language] => en [Entryid] => 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Emma Goldman, My Disillusionment In Russia
(London: C. W. Daniel Company, 1925)


Chapter V

MEETING PEOPLE


AT a conference of the Moscow Anarchists in March I first learned of the part some Anarchists had played in the Russian Revolution. In the July uprising of 1917 the Kronstadt sailors were led by the Anarchist Yarchuck; the Constituent Assembly was dispersed by Zhelezniakov; the Anarchists had participated on every front and helped to drive back the Allied attacks. It was the consensus of opinion that the Anarchists were always among the first to face fire, as they were also the most active in the reconstructive work. One of the biggest factories near Moscow, which did not stop work during the entire period of the Revolution, was managed by an Anarchist. Anarchists were doing important work in the Foreign Office and in all other departments. I learned that the Anarchists had virtually helped the Bolsheviki into power. Five months later, in April, 1918, machine guns were used to destroy the Moscow Anarchist Club and to suppress their Press. That was before Mirbach arrived in Moscow. The field had to be "cleared of disturbing elements," and the Anarchists were the first to suffer. Since then the persecution of the Anarchists has never ceased.

The Moscow Anarchist Conference was critical not only toward the existing régime, but toward its own comrades as well. It spoke frankly of the negative sides of the movement, and of its lack of unity and coöperation during the revolutionary period. Later I was to learn more of the internal dissensions in the Anarchist movement. Before closing, the Conference decided to call on the Soviet Government to release the imprisoned Anarchists and to legalize Anarchist educational work. The Conference asked Alexander Berkman and myself to sign the resolution to that effect. It was a shock to me that Anarchists should ask any government to legalize their efforts, but I still believed the Soviet Government to be at least to some extent expressive of the Revolution. I signed the resolution, and as I was to see Lenin in a few days I promised to take the matter up with him.

The interview with Lenin was arranged by Balabanova. "You must see Ilitch, talk to him about the things that are disturbing you and the work you would like to do," she had said. But some time passed before the opportunity came. At last one day Balabanova called up to ask whether I could go at once. Lenin had sent his car and we were quickly driven over to the Kremlin, passed without question by the guards, and at last ushered into the workroom of the all-powerful president of the People's Commissars.

When we entered Lenin held a copy of the brochure Trial and Speeches* in his hands. I had given my only copy to Balabanova, who had evidently sent the booklet on ahead of us to Lenin. One of his first questions was, "When could the Social Revolution be expected in America?" I had been asked the question repeatedly before, but I was astounded to hear it from Lenin. It seemed incredible that a man of his information should know so little about conditions in America.

My Russian at this time was halting, but Lenin declared that though he had lived in Europe for many years he had not learned to speak foreign languages: the conversation would therefore have to be carried on in Russian. At once he launched into a eulogy of our speeches in court. "What a splendid opportunity for propaganda," he said; "it is worth going to prison, if the courts can so successfully be turned into a forum." I felt his steady cold gaze upon me, penetrating my very being, as if he were reflecting upon the use I might be put to. Presently he asked what I would want to do. I told him I would like to repay America what it had done for Russia. I spoke of the Society of the Friends of Russian Freedom, organized thirty years ago by George Kennan and later reorganized by Alice Stone Blackwell and other liberal Americans. I briefly sketched the splendid work they had done to arouse interest in the struggle for Russian freedom, and the great moral and financial aid the Society had given through all those years. To organize a Russian society for American freedom was my plan. Lenin appeared enthusiastic. "That is a great idea, and you shall have all the help you want. But, of course, it will be under the auspices of the Third International. Prepare your plan in writing and send it to me."

I broached the subject of the Anarchists in Russia. I showed him a letter I had received from Martens, the Soviet representative in America, shortly before my deportation. Martens asserted that the Anarchists in Russia enjoyed full freedom of speech and Press. Since my arrival I found scores of Anarchists in prison and their Press suppressed. I explained that I could not think of working with the Soviet Government so long as my comrades were in prison for opinion's sake. I also told him of the resolutions of the Moscow Anarchist Conference. He listened patiently and promised to bring the matter to the attention of his party. "But as to free speech," he remarked, "that is, of course, a bourgeois notion. There can be no free speech in a revolutionary period. We have the peasantry against us because we can give them nothing in return for their bread. We will have them on our side when we have something to exchange. Then you can have all the free speech you want--but not now. Recently we needed peasants to cart some wood into the city. They demanded salt. We thought we had no salt, but then we discovered seventy poods in Moscow in one of our warehouses. At once the peasants were willing to cart the wood. Your comrades must wait until we can meet the needs of the peasants. Meanwhile, they should work with us. Look at William Shatov, for instance, who has helped save Petrograd from Yudenitch. He works with us and we appreciate his services. Shatov was among the first to receive the order of the Red Banner."

Free speech, free Press, the spiritual achievements of centuries, what were they to this man? A Puritan, he was sure his scheme alone could redeem Russia. Those who served his plans were right, the others could not be tolerated.

A shrewd Asiatic, this Lenin. He knows how to play on the weak sides of men by flattery, rewards, medals. I left convinced that his approach to people was purely utilitarian, for the use he could get out of them for his scheme. And his scheme--was it the Revolution?

I prepared the plan for the Society of the Russian Friends of American Freedom and elaborated the details of the work I had in mind, but refused to place myself under the protecting wing of the Third International. I explained to Lenin that the American people had little faith in politics, and would certainly consider it an imposition to be directed and guided by a political machine from Moscow. I could not consistently align myself with the Third International.

Some time later I saw Tchicherin. I believe it was 4 A.M. when our interview took place. He also asked about the possibilities of a revolution in America, and seemed to doubt my judgment when I informed him that there was no hope of it in the near future. We spoke of the I.W.W., which had evidently been misrepresented to him. I assured Tchicherin that while I am not an I.W.W. I must state that they represented the only conscious and effective revolutionary proletarian organization in the United States, and were sure to play an important rôle in the future labor history of the country.

Next to Balabanova, Tchicherin impressed me as the most simple and unassuming of the leading Communists in Moscow. But all were equally naïve in their estimate of the world outside of Russia. Was their judgment so faulty because they had been cut off from Europe and America so long? Or was their great need of European help father to their wish? At any rate, they all clung to the idea of approaching revolutions in the western countries, forgetful that revolutions are not made to order, and apparently unconscious that their own revolution had been twisted out of shape and semblance and was gradually being done to death.

The editor of the London Daily Herald, accompanied by one of his reporters, had preceded me to Moscow. They wanted to visit Kropotkin, and they had been given a special car. Together with Alexander Berkman and A. Shapiro, I was able to join Mr. Lansbury.

The Kropotkin cottage stood back in the garden away from the street. Only a faint ray from a kerosene lamp lit up the path to the house. Kropotkin received us with his characteristic graciousness, evidently glad at our visit. But I was shocked at his altered appearance. The last time I had seen him was in 1907, in Paris, which I visited after the Anarchist Congress in Amsterdam. Kropotkin, barred from France for many years, had just been given the right to return. He was then sixty-five years of age, but still so full of life and energy that he seemed much younger. Now he looked old and worn.

I was eager to get some light from Kropotkin on the problems that were troubling me, particularly on the relation of the Bolsheviki to the Revolution. What was his opinion? Why had he been silent so long?

I took no notes and therefore I can give only the gist of what Kropotkin said. He stated that the Revolution had carried the people to great spiritual heights and had paved the way for profound social changes. If the people had been permitted to apply their released energies, Russia would not be in her present condition of ruin. The Bolsheviki, who had been carried to the top by the revolutionary wave, first caught the popular ear by extreme revolutionary slogans, thereby gaining the confidence of the masses and the support of militant revolutionists.

He continued to narrate that early in the October period the Bolsheviki began to subordinate the interests of the Revolution to the establishment of their dictatorship, which coerced and paralyzed every social activity. He stated that the coöperatives were the main medium that could have bridged the interests of the peasants and the workers. The coöperatives were among the first to be crushed. He spoke with much feeling of the oppression, the persecution, the hounding of every shade of opinion, and cited numerous instances of the misery and distress of the people. He emphasized that the Bolsheviki had discredited Socialism and Communism in the eyes of the Russian people.

"Why haven't you raised your voice against these evils, against this machine that is sapping the life blood of the Revolution?" I asked. He gave two reasons. As long as Russia was being attacked by the combined Imperialists, and Russian women and children were dying from the effects of the blockade, he could not join the shrieking chorus of the ex-revolutionists in the cry of "Crucify!" He preferred silence. Secondly, there was no medium of expression in Russia itself. To protest to the Government was useless. Its concern was to maintain itself in power. It could not stop at such "trifles" as human rights or human lives. Then he added: "We have always pointed out the effects of Marxism in action. Why be surprised now?"

I asked Kropotkin whether he was noting down his impressions and observations. Surely he must see the importance of such a record to his comrades and to the workers; in fact, to the whole world. "No," he said; "it is impossible to write when one is in the midst of great human suffering, when every hour brings new tragedies. Then there may be a raid at any moment. The Tcheka comes swooping inside out, and marches off with every scrap of paper. Under such constant stress it is impossible to keep records. But besides these considerations there is my book on Ethics. I can only work a few hours a day, and I must concentrate on that to the exclusion of everything else."

After a tender embrace which Peter never failed to give those he loved, we returned to our car. My heart was heavy, my spirit confused and troubled by what I had heard. I was also distressed by the poor state of health of our comrade: I feared he could not survive till spring. The thought that Peter Kropotkin might go to his grave and that the world might never know what he thought of the Russian Revolution was appalling.



ENDNOTE:

* Trial and Speeches of Alexander Berkman and Emma Goldman before the Federal Court of New York, June-July, 1917, Mother Earth Publishing Co., New York.

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Emma Goldman, My Disillusionment In Russia
(London: C. W. Daniel Company, 1925)


Chapter VI

PREPARING FOR AMERICAN DEPORTEES

EVENTS in Moscow, quickly following each other, were full of interest. I wanted to remain in that vital city, but as I had left all my effects in Petrograd I decided to return there and then come back to Moscow to join Lunacharsky in his work. A few days before my departure a young woman, an Anarchist, came to visit me. She was from the Petrograd Museum of the Revolution and she called to inquire whether I would take charge of the Museum branch work in Moscow. She explained that the original idea of the Museum was due to the famous old revolutionist Vera Nikolaievna Figner, and that it had recently been organized by nonpartizan elements. The majority of the men and women who worked in the Museum were not Communists, she said; but they were devoted to the Revolution and anxious to create something which could in the future serve as a source of information and inspiration to earnest students of the great Russian Revolution. When my caller was informed that I was about to return to Petrograd, she invited me to visit the Museum and to become acquainted with its work.

Upon my arrival in Petrograd I found unexpected work awaiting me. Zorin informed me that he had been notified by Tchicherin that a thousand Russians had been deported from America and were on their way to Russia. They were to be met at the border and quarters were to be immediately prepared for them in Petrograd. Zorin asked me to join the Commission about to be organized for that purpose.

The plan of such a commission for American deportees had been broached to Zorin soon after our arrival in Russia. At that time Zorin directed us to talk the matter over with Tchicherin, which we did. But three months passed without anything having been done about it. Meanwhile, our comrades of the Buford were still walking from department to department, trying to be placed where they might do some good. They were a sorry lot, those men who had come to Russia with such high hopes, eager to render service to the revolutionary people. Most of them were skilled workers, mechanics--men Russia needed badly; but the cumbersome Bolshevik machine and general inefficiency made it a very complex matter to put them to work. Some had tried independently to secure jobs, but they could accomplish very little. Moreover, those who found employment were soon made to feel that the Russian workers resented the eagerness and intensity of their brothers from America. "Wait till you have starved as long as we," they would say, "wait till you have tasted the blessings of Commissarship, and we will see if you are still so eager." In every way the deportees were discouraged and their enthusiasm dampened.

To avoid this unnecessary waste of energy and suffering the Commission was at last organized in Petrograd. It consisted of Ravitch, the then Minister of Internal Affairs for the Northern District; her secretary, Kaplun; two members of the Bureau of War Prisoners; Alexander Berkman and myself. The new deportees were due in two weeks, and much work was to be done to prepare for their reception. It was unfortunate that no active participation could be expected from Ravitch because her time was too much occupied. Besides holding the post of Minister of the Interior she was Chief of the Petrograd Militia, and she also represented the Moscow Foreign Office in Petrograd. Her regular working hours were from 8 A.M. to 2 A.M. Kaplun, a very able administrator, had charge of the entire internal work of the Department and could therefore give us very little of his time. There remained only four persons to accomplish within a short time the big task of preparing living quarters for a thousand deportees in starved and ruined Russia. Moreover, Alexander Berkman, heading the Reception Committee, had to leave for the Latvian border to meet the exiles.

It was an almost impossible task for one person, but I was very anxious to save the second group of deportees the bitter experiences and the disappointments of my fellow companions of the Buford. I could undertake the work only by making the condition that I be given the right of entry to the various government departments, for I had learned by that time how paralyzing was the effect of the bureaucratic red tape which delayed and often frustrated the most earnest and energetic efforts. Kaplun consented. "Call on me at any time for anything you may require," he said; "I will give orders that you be admitted everywhere and supplied with everything you need. If that should not help, call on the Tcheka," he added. I had never called upon the police before, I informed him; why should I do so in revolutionary Russia? "In bourgeois countries that is a different matter," explained Kaplun; "with us the Tcheka defends the Revolution and fights sabotage." I started on my work determined to do without the Tcheka. Surely there must be other methods, I thought.

Then began a chase over Petrograd. Materials were very scarce and it was most difficult to procure them owing to the unbelievably centralized Bolshevik methods. Thus to get a pound of nails one had to file applications in about ten or fifteen bureaus; to secure some bed linen or ordinary dishes one wasted days. Everywhere in the offices crowds of Government employes stood about smoking cigarettes, awaiting the hour when the tedious task of the day would be over. My coworkers of the War Prisoners' Bureau fumed at the irritating and unnecessary delays, but to no purpose. They threatened with the Tcheka, with the concentration camp, even with raztrel (shooting). The latter was the most favorite argument. Whenever any difficulty arose one immediately heard raztreliat--to be shot. But the expression, so terrible in its significance, was gradually losing its effect upon the people: man gets used to everything.

I decided to try other methods. I would talk to the employes in the departments about the vital interest the conscious American workers felt in the great Russian Revolution, and of their faith and hope in the Russian proletariat. The people would become interested immediately, but the questions they would ask were as strange as they were pitiful: "Have the people enough to eat in America? How soon will the Revolution be there? Why did you come to starving Russia?" They were eager for information and news, these mentally and physically starved people, cut off by the barbarous blockade from all touch with the western world. Things American were something wonderful to them. A piece of chocolate or a cracker were unheard-of dainties--they proved the key to everybody's heart.

Within two weeks I succeeded in procuring most of the things needed for the expected deportees, including furniture, linen, and dishes. A miracle, everybody said.

However, the renovation of the houses that were to serve as living quarters for the exiles was not accomplished so easily. I inspected what, as I was told, had once been first-class hotels. I found them located in the former prostitute district; cheap dives they were, until the Bolsheviki closed all brothels. They were germ-eaten, ill-smelling, and filthy. It was no small problem to turn those dark holes into a fit habitation within two weeks. A coat of paint was a luxury not to be thought of. There was nothing else to do but to strip the rooms of furniture and draperies, and have them thoroughly cleaned and disinfected.

One morning a group of forlorn-looking creatures, in charge of two militiamen, were brought to my temporary office. They came to work, I was informed. The group consisted of a one-armed old man, a consumptive woman, and eight boys and girls, mere children, pale, starved, and in rags. "Where do these unfortunates come from?" "They are speculators," one of the militiamen replied; "we rounded them up on the market." The prisoners began to weep. They were no speculators, they protested; they were starving, they had received no bread in two days. They were compelled to go out to the market to sell matches or thread to secure a little bread. In the midst of this scene the old man fainted from exhaustion, demonstrating better than words that he had speculated only in hunger. I had seen such "speculators" before, driven in groups through the streets of Moscow and Petrograd by convoys with loaded guns pointed at the backs of the prisoners.

I could not think of having the work done by these starved creatures. But the militiamen insisted that they would not let them go; they had orders to make them work. I called up Kaplun and informed him that I considered it out of the question to have quarters for American deportees prepared by Russian convicts whose only crime was hunger. Thereupon Kaplun ordered the group set free and consented that I give them of the bread sent for the workers' rations. But a valuable day was lost.

The next morning a group of boys and girls came singing along the Nevski Prospekt. They were kursanti from the Tauride Palace who were sent to my office to work. On my first visit to the palace I had been shown the quarters of the kursanti, the students of the Bolshevik academy. They were mostly village boys and girls housed, fed, clothed, and educated by the Government, later to be placed in responsible positions in the Soviet régime. At the time I was impressed by the institutions, but by April I had looked somewhat beneath the surface. I recalled what a young woman, a Communist, had told me in Moscow about these students. "They are the special caste now being reared in Russia," she had said. "Like the church which maintains and educates its religious priesthood, our Government trains a military and civic priesthood. They are a favored lot." I had more than one occasion to convince myself of the truth of it. The kursanti were being given every advantage and many special privileges. They knew their importance and they behaved accordingly.

Their first demand when they came to me was for the extra rations of bread they had been promised. This demand satisfied, they stood about and seemed to have no idea of work. It was evident that whatever else the kursanti might be taught, it was not to labor. But, then, few people in Russia know how to work. The situation looked hopeless. Only ten days remained till the arrival of the deportees, and the "hotels" assigned for their use were still in as uninhabitable a condition as before. It was no use to threaten with the Tcheka, as my coworkers did. I appealed to the boys and girls in the spirit of the American deportees who were about to arrive in Russia full of enthusiasm for the Revolution and eager to join in the great work of reconstruction. The kursanti were the pampered charges of the Government, but they were not long from the villages, and they had had no time to become corrupt. My appeal was effective. They took up the work with a will, and at the end of ten days the three famous hotels were as ready as far as willingness to work and hot water without soap could make them. We were very proud of our achievement and we eagerly awaited the arrival of the deportees.

At last they came, but to our great surprise they proved to be no deportees at all. They were Russian war prisoners from Germany. The misunderstanding was due to the blunder of some official in Tchicherin's office who misread the radio information about the party due at the border. The prepared hotels were locked and sealed; they were not to be used for the returned war prisoners because "they were prepared for American deportees who still might come." All the efforts and labor had been in vain.

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Welcome to RevoltLib! Here you will find an archive of materials from the past that once helped people to abolish the state, fight capitalism, end sexism, demolish imperialism, and eliminate all forms of social domination. Information is power -- arm yourself!

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The mission behind RevoltLib is to provide reliable, interactive, and comprehensive access to written works about Revolution, and Anarchism in particular.

Reliability is important. The site's guaranteed uptime is maintained by a dedicated, software engineering professional who is always monitoring for problems. Each book, essay, or other written work provided is made available in multiple formats (txt, pdf, etc.), so that if one particular format is unsuitable, there will be others you can download. And the site is powered with a set of error detection and correction utilities, which can fix anything from typos and spelling errors to British/American spelling equivalents and optical-cypher-recognition (OCR) mistranslations.

Interactive websites are more likely to offer a richer and more rewarding experience. Users (with Google accounts) can login, comment, and like/dislike any page about the authors or containing the works of the authors. Tagging related works with the same keywords can help people more easily find similar works of interest. There is even a way to listen to each text as audio, with your own preference of voice (Chrome-only).

Comprehensive is the part of the mission that never ends. There are still many texts available that just have not yet been upload, some of them are just image files of pages still requiring OCR, some of them have not even been scanned, and many of them are not physically available except at ridiculously exorbitant prices from rare book collectors. We want to get more and more texts, and we want to do it in a way that is more and more reliable and interactive.

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RevoltLib was launched on Oct 24, 2016. Two events are responsible for triggering its creation: a software engineer and activist had just built a CMS (Content-Management-System) and was looking for a project to deploy it with; and, at the same time, Anarchy Archives, the longest-living and largest collection of Anarchist works, had gone down (it has seen been brought back online). Seeing the opportunity, I took it, and built what is now RevoltLib, largely from Anarchy Archives, but also from a good, healthy number of other sources, some of them no longer available.

By the end of 2016, the entirety of the sorted sections of Anarchy Archives had been brought into RevoltLib. In 2017, the focus was spent optimizing and cleaning code, adding a minimal feature-set, and building tools to generate information about the texts, such as keywords and glossaries. And 2018 is now here. RevoltLib is ready to keep going forward.

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There is one person behind RevoltLib: UprisingEngineer. He is an activist, a software engineeer, a wobbly, a supporter of AK Press, and a trip hop fanatic.

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Emma Goldman, My Disillusionment In Russia
(London: C. W. Daniel Company, 1925)


Chapter V

MEETING PEOPLE


AT a conference of the Moscow Anarchists in March I first learned of the part some Anarchists had played in the Russian Revolution. In the July uprising of 1917 the Kronstadt sailors were led by the Anarchist Yarchuck; the Constituent Assembly was dispersed by Zhelezniakov; the Anarchists had participated on every front and helped to drive back the Allied attacks. It was the consensus of opinion that the Anarchists were always among the first to face fire, as they were also the most active in the reconstructive work. One of the biggest factories near Moscow, which did not stop work during the entire period of the Revolution, was managed by an Anarchist. Anarchists were doing important work in the Foreign Office and in all other departments. I learned that the Anarchists had virtually helped the Bolsheviki into power. Five months later, in April, 1918, machine guns were used to destroy the Moscow Anarchist Club and to suppress their Press. That was before Mirbach arrived in Moscow. The field had to be "cleared of disturbing elements," and the Anarchists were the first to suffer. Since then the persecution of the Anarchists has never ceased.

The Moscow Anarchist Conference was critical not only toward the existing régime, but toward its own comrades as well. It spoke frankly of the negative sides of the movement, and of its lack of unity and coöperation during the revolutionary period. Later I was to learn more of the internal dissensions in the Anarchist movement. Before closing, the Conference decided to call on the Soviet Government to release the imprisoned Anarchists and to legalize Anarchist educational work. The Conference asked Alexander Berkman and myself to sign the resolution to that effect. It was a shock to me that Anarchists should ask any government to legalize their efforts, but I still believed the Soviet Government to be at least to some extent expressive of the Revolution. I signed the resolution, and as I was to see Lenin in a few days I promised to take the matter up with him.

The interview with Lenin was arranged by Balabanova. "You must see Ilitch, talk to him about the things that are disturbing you and the work you would like to do," she had said. But some time passed before the opportunity came. At last one day Balabanova called up to ask whether I could go at once. Lenin had sent his car and we were quickly driven over to the Kremlin, passed without question by the guards, and at last ushered into the workroom of the all-powerful president of the People's Commissars.

When we entered Lenin held a copy of the brochure Trial and Speeches* in his hands. I had given my only copy to Balabanova, who had evidently sent the booklet on ahead of us to Lenin. One of his first questions was, "When could the Social Revolution be expected in America?" I had been asked the question repeatedly before, but I was astounded to hear it from Lenin. It seemed incredible that a man of his information should know so little about conditions in America.

My Russian at this time was halting, but Lenin declared that though he had lived in Europe for many years he had not learned to speak foreign languages: the conversation would therefore have to be carried on in Russian. At once he launched into a eulogy of our speeches in court. "What a splendid opportunity for propaganda," he said; "it is worth going to prison, if the courts can so successfully be turned into a forum." I felt his steady cold gaze upon me, penetrating my very being, as if he were reflecting upon the use I might be put to. Presently he asked what I would want to do. I told him I would like to repay America what it had done for Russia. I spoke of the Society of the Friends of Russian Freedom, organized thirty years ago by George Kennan and later reorganized by Alice Stone Blackwell and other liberal Americans. I briefly sketched the splendid work they had done to arouse interest in the struggle for Russian freedom, and the great moral and financial aid the Society had given through all those years. To organize a Russian society for American freedom was my plan. Lenin appeared enthusiastic. "That is a great idea, and you shall have all the help you want. But, of course, it will be under the auspices of the Third International. Prepare your plan in writing and send it to me."

I broached the subject of the Anarchists in Russia. I showed him a letter I had received from Martens, the Soviet representative in America, shortly before my deportation. Martens asserted that the Anarchists in Russia enjoyed full freedom of speech and Press. Since my arrival I found scores of Anarchists in prison and their Press suppressed. I explained that I could not think of working with the Soviet Government so long as my comrades were in prison for opinion's sake. I also told him of the resolutions of the Moscow Anarchist Conference. He listened patiently and promised to bring the matter to the attention of his party. "But as to free speech," he remarked, "that is, of course, a bourgeois notion. There can be no free speech in a revolutionary period. We have the peasantry against us because we can give them nothing in return for their bread. We will have them on our side when we have something to exchange. Then you can have all the free speech you want--but not now. Recently we needed peasants to cart some wood into the city. They demanded salt. We thought we had no salt, but then we discovered seventy poods in Moscow in one of our warehouses. At once the peasants were willing to cart the wood. Your comrades must wait until we can meet the needs of the peasants. Meanwhile, they should work with us. Look at William Shatov, for instance, who has helped save Petrograd from Yudenitch. He works with us and we appreciate his services. Shatov was among the first to receive the order of the Red Banner."

Free speech, free Press, the spiritual achievements of centuries, what were they to this man? A Puritan, he was sure his scheme alone could redeem Russia. Those who served his plans were right, the others could not be tolerated.

A shrewd Asiatic, this Lenin. He knows how to play on the weak sides of men by flattery, rewards, medals. I left convinced that his approach to people was purely utilitarian, for the use he could get out of them for his scheme. And his scheme--was it the Revolution?

I prepared the plan for the Society of the Russian Friends of American Freedom and elaborated the details of the work I had in mind, but refused to place myself under the protecting wing of the Third International. I explained to Lenin that the American people had little faith in politics, and would certainly consider it an imposition to be directed and guided by a political machine from Moscow. I could not consistently align myself with the Third International.

Some time later I saw Tchicherin. I believe it was 4 A.M. when our interview took place. He also asked about the possibilities of a revolution in America, and seemed to doubt my judgment when I informed him that there was no hope of it in the near future. We spoke of the I.W.W., which had evidently been misrepresented to him. I assured Tchicherin that while I am not an I.W.W. I must state that they represented the only conscious and effective revolutionary proletarian organization in the United States, and were sure to play an important rôle in the future labor history of the country.

Next to Balabanova, Tchicherin impressed me as the most simple and unassuming of the leading Communists in Moscow. But all were equally naïve in their estimate of the world outside of Russia. Was their judgment so faulty because they had been cut off from Europe and America so long? Or was their great need of European help father to their wish? At any rate, they all clung to the idea of approaching revolutions in the western countries, forgetful that revolutions are not made to order, and apparently unconscious that their own revolution had been twisted out of shape and semblance and was gradually being done to death.

The editor of the London Daily Herald, accompanied by one of his reporters, had preceded me to Moscow. They wanted to visit Kropotkin, and they had been given a special car. Together with Alexander Berkman and A. Shapiro, I was able to join Mr. Lansbury.

The Kropotkin cottage stood back in the garden away from the street. Only a faint ray from a kerosene lamp lit up the path to the house. Kropotkin received us with his characteristic graciousness, evidently glad at our visit. But I was shocked at his altered appearance. The last time I had seen him was in 1907, in Paris, which I visited after the Anarchist Congress in Amsterdam. Kropotkin, barred from France for many years, had just been given the right to return. He was then sixty-five years of age, but still so full of life and energy that he seemed much younger. Now he looked old and worn.

I was eager to get some light from Kropotkin on the problems that were troubling me, particularly on the relation of the Bolsheviki to the Revolution. What was his opinion? Why had he been silent so long?

I took no notes and therefore I can give only the gist of what Kropotkin said. He stated that the Revolution had carried the people to great spiritual heights and had paved the way for profound social changes. If the people had been permitted to apply their released energies, Russia would not be in her present condition of ruin. The Bolsheviki, who had been carried to the top by the revolutionary wave, first caught the popular ear by extreme revolutionary slogans, thereby gaining the confidence of the masses and the support of militant revolutionists.

He continued to narrate that early in the October period the Bolsheviki began to subordinate the interests of the Revolution to the establishment of their dictatorship, which coerced and paralyzed every social activity. He stated that the coöperatives were the main medium that could have bridged the interests of the peasants and the workers. The coöperatives were among the first to be crushed. He spoke with much feeling of the oppression, the persecution, the hounding of every shade of opinion, and cited numerous instances of the misery and distress of the people. He emphasized that the Bolsheviki had discredited Socialism and Communism in the eyes of the Russian people.

"Why haven't you raised your voice against these evils, against this machine that is sapping the life blood of the Revolution?" I asked. He gave two reasons. As long as Russia was being attacked by the combined Imperialists, and Russian women and children were dying from the effects of the blockade, he could not join the shrieking chorus of the ex-revolutionists in the cry of "Crucify!" He preferred silence. Secondly, there was no medium of expression in Russia itself. To protest to the Government was useless. Its concern was to maintain itself in power. It could not stop at such "trifles" as human rights or human lives. Then he added: "We have always pointed out the effects of Marxism in action. Why be surprised now?"

I asked Kropotkin whether he was noting down his impressions and observations. Surely he must see the importance of such a record to his comrades and to the workers; in fact, to the whole world. "No," he said; "it is impossible to write when one is in the midst of great human suffering, when every hour brings new tragedies. Then there may be a raid at any moment. The Tcheka comes swooping inside out, and marches off with every scrap of paper. Under such constant stress it is impossible to keep records. But besides these considerations there is my book on Ethics. I can only work a few hours a day, and I must concentrate on that to the exclusion of everything else."

After a tender embrace which Peter never failed to give those he loved, we returned to our car. My heart was heavy, my spirit confused and troubled by what I had heard. I was also distressed by the poor state of health of our comrade: I feared he could not survive till spring. The thought that Peter Kropotkin might go to his grave and that the world might never know what he thought of the Russian Revolution was appalling.



ENDNOTE:

* Trial and Speeches of Alexander Berkman and Emma Goldman before the Federal Court of New York, June-July, 1917, Mother Earth Publishing Co., New York.

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Emma Goldman, My Disillusionment In Russia
(London: C. W. Daniel Company, 1925)


Chapter VI

PREPARING FOR AMERICAN DEPORTEES

EVENTS in Moscow, quickly following each other, were full of interest. I wanted to remain in that vital city, but as I had left all my effects in Petrograd I decided to return there and then come back to Moscow to join Lunacharsky in his work. A few days before my departure a young woman, an Anarchist, came to visit me. She was from the Petrograd Museum of the Revolution and she called to inquire whether I would take charge of the Museum branch work in Moscow. She explained that the original idea of the Museum was due to the famous old revolutionist Vera Nikolaievna Figner, and that it had recently been organized by nonpartizan elements. The majority of the men and women who worked in the Museum were not Communists, she said; but they were devoted to the Revolution and anxious to create something which could in the future serve as a source of information and inspiration to earnest students of the great Russian Revolution. When my caller was informed that I was about to return to Petrograd, she invited me to visit the Museum and to become acquainted with its work.

Upon my arrival in Petrograd I found unexpected work awaiting me. Zorin informed me that he had been notified by Tchicherin that a thousand Russians had been deported from America and were on their way to Russia. They were to be met at the border and quarters were to be immediately prepared for them in Petrograd. Zorin asked me to join the Commission about to be organized for that purpose.

The plan of such a commission for American deportees had been broached to Zorin soon after our arrival in Russia. At that time Zorin directed us to talk the matter over with Tchicherin, which we did. But three months passed without anything having been done about it. Meanwhile, our comrades of the Buford were still walking from department to department, trying to be placed where they might do some good. They were a sorry lot, those men who had come to Russia with such high hopes, eager to render service to the revolutionary people. Most of them were skilled workers, mechanics--men Russia needed badly; but the cumbersome Bolshevik machine and general inefficiency made it a very complex matter to put them to work. Some had tried independently to secure jobs, but they could accomplish very little. Moreover, those who found employment were soon made to feel that the Russian workers resented the eagerness and intensity of their brothers from America. "Wait till you have starved as long as we," they would say, "wait till you have tasted the blessings of Commissarship, and we will see if you are still so eager." In every way the deportees were discouraged and their enthusiasm dampened.

To avoid this unnecessary waste of energy and suffering the Commission was at last organized in Petrograd. It consisted of Ravitch, the then Minister of Internal Affairs for the Northern District; her secretary, Kaplun; two members of the Bureau of War Prisoners; Alexander Berkman and myself. The new deportees were due in two weeks, and much work was to be done to prepare for their reception. It was unfortunate that no active participation could be expected from Ravitch because her time was too much occupied. Besides holding the post of Minister of the Interior she was Chief of the Petrograd Militia, and she also represented the Moscow Foreign Office in Petrograd. Her regular working hours were from 8 A.M. to 2 A.M. Kaplun, a very able administrator, had charge of the entire internal work of the Department and could therefore give us very little of his time. There remained only four persons to accomplish within a short time the big task of preparing living quarters for a thousand deportees in starved and ruined Russia. Moreover, Alexander Berkman, heading the Reception Committee, had to leave for the Latvian border to meet the exiles.

It was an almost impossible task for one person, but I was very anxious to save the second group of deportees the bitter experiences and the disappointments of my fellow companions of the Buford. I could undertake the work only by making the condition that I be given the right of entry to the various government departments, for I had learned by that time how paralyzing was the effect of the bureaucratic red tape which delayed and often frustrated the most earnest and energetic efforts. Kaplun consented. "Call on me at any time for anything you may require," he said; "I will give orders that you be admitted everywhere and supplied with everything you need. If that should not help, call on the Tcheka," he added. I had never called upon the police before, I informed him; why should I do so in revolutionary Russia? "In bourgeois countries that is a different matter," explained Kaplun; "with us the Tcheka defends the Revolution and fights sabotage." I started on my work determined to do without the Tcheka. Surely there must be other methods, I thought.

Then began a chase over Petrograd. Materials were very scarce and it was most difficult to procure them owing to the unbelievably centralized Bolshevik methods. Thus to get a pound of nails one had to file applications in about ten or fifteen bureaus; to secure some bed linen or ordinary dishes one wasted days. Everywhere in the offices crowds of Government employes stood about smoking cigarettes, awaiting the hour when the tedious task of the day would be over. My coworkers of the War Prisoners' Bureau fumed at the irritating and unnecessary delays, but to no purpose. They threatened with the Tcheka, with the concentration camp, even with raztrel (shooting). The latter was the most favorite argument. Whenever any difficulty arose one immediately heard raztreliat--to be shot. But the expression, so terrible in its significance, was gradually losing its effect upon the people: man gets used to everything.

I decided to try other methods. I would talk to the employes in the departments about the vital interest the conscious American workers felt in the great Russian Revolution, and of their faith and hope in the Russian proletariat. The people would become interested immediately, but the questions they would ask were as strange as they were pitiful: "Have the people enough to eat in America? How soon will the Revolution be there? Why did you come to starving Russia?" They were eager for information and news, these mentally and physically starved people, cut off by the barbarous blockade from all touch with the western world. Things American were something wonderful to them. A piece of chocolate or a cracker were unheard-of dainties--they proved the key to everybody's heart.

Within two weeks I succeeded in procuring most of the things needed for the expected deportees, including furniture, linen, and dishes. A miracle, everybody said.

However, the renovation of the houses that were to serve as living quarters for the exiles was not accomplished so easily. I inspected what, as I was told, had once been first-class hotels. I found them located in the former prostitute district; cheap dives they were, until the Bolsheviki closed all brothels. They were germ-eaten, ill-smelling, and filthy. It was no small problem to turn those dark holes into a fit habitation within two weeks. A coat of paint was a luxury not to be thought of. There was nothing else to do but to strip the rooms of furniture and draperies, and have them thoroughly cleaned and disinfected.

One morning a group of forlorn-looking creatures, in charge of two militiamen, were brought to my temporary office. They came to work, I was informed. The group consisted of a one-armed old man, a consumptive woman, and eight boys and girls, mere children, pale, starved, and in rags. "Where do these unfortunates come from?" "They are speculators," one of the militiamen replied; "we rounded them up on the market." The prisoners began to weep. They were no speculators, they protested; they were starving, they had received no bread in two days. They were compelled to go out to the market to sell matches or thread to secure a little bread. In the midst of this scene the old man fainted from exhaustion, demonstrating better than words that he had speculated only in hunger. I had seen such "speculators" before, driven in groups through the streets of Moscow and Petrograd by convoys with loaded guns pointed at the backs of the prisoners.

I could not think of having the work done by these starved creatures. But the militiamen insisted that they would not let them go; they had orders to make them work. I called up Kaplun and informed him that I considered it out of the question to have quarters for American deportees prepared by Russian convicts whose only crime was hunger. Thereupon Kaplun ordered the group set free and consented that I give them of the bread sent for the workers' rations. But a valuable day was lost.

The next morning a group of boys and girls came singing along the Nevski Prospekt. They were kursanti from the Tauride Palace who were sent to my office to work. On my first visit to the palace I had been shown the quarters of the kursanti, the students of the Bolshevik academy. They were mostly village boys and girls housed, fed, clothed, and educated by the Government, later to be placed in responsible positions in the Soviet régime. At the time I was impressed by the institutions, but by April I had looked somewhat beneath the surface. I recalled what a young woman, a Communist, had told me in Moscow about these students. "They are the special caste now being reared in Russia," she had said. "Like the church which maintains and educates its religious priesthood, our Government trains a military and civic priesthood. They are a favored lot." I had more than one occasion to convince myself of the truth of it. The kursanti were being given every advantage and many special privileges. They knew their importance and they behaved accordingly.

Their first demand when they came to me was for the extra rations of bread they had been promised. This demand satisfied, they stood about and seemed to have no idea of work. It was evident that whatever else the kursanti might be taught, it was not to labor. But, then, few people in Russia know how to work. The situation looked hopeless. Only ten days remained till the arrival of the deportees, and the "hotels" assigned for their use were still in as uninhabitable a condition as before. It was no use to threaten with the Tcheka, as my coworkers did. I appealed to the boys and girls in the spirit of the American deportees who were about to arrive in Russia full of enthusiasm for the Revolution and eager to join in the great work of reconstruction. The kursanti were the pampered charges of the Government, but they were not long from the villages, and they had had no time to become corrupt. My appeal was effective. They took up the work with a will, and at the end of ten days the three famous hotels were as ready as far as willingness to work and hot water without soap could make them. We were very proud of our achievement and we eagerly awaited the arrival of the deportees.

At last they came, but to our great surprise they proved to be no deportees at all. They were Russian war prisoners from Germany. The misunderstanding was due to the blunder of some official in Tchicherin's office who misread the radio information about the party due at the border. The prepared hotels were locked and sealed; they were not to be used for the returned war prisoners because "they were prepared for American deportees who still might come." All the efforts and labor had been in vain.

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