Speech Seconding George Lansbury
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Author : William Morris

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This speech was reported in both Justice (paper of the SDF)
and The Labor Leader (paper of the ILP). The report in Justice gives more
context, while the report in the Labor Leader, under the title 'William Morris's Confession', is more complete. Both
are given below.

JUSTICE

George Lansbury moved:- "That this meeting of Social-Democrats,
assembled at the beginning of the New Year, send fraternal greetings to their
fellow-workers in the cause of humanity in all lands; enter their earnest
protest against the efforts of filibusters and financiers to stir up strife
among the people of the different countries; and pledge themselves to work
steadfastly forward for the overthrow of the infamous capitalist system, and
the realization of that time when international concord shaqll replace
competition and strife.". He said it seemed to him that we had
middle-class cant and humbug in excelsis in the Transvaal just  now.
In the name of British patriotism and of England's honor they have been
invited to save a set of filibusters who were there to make money, He hoped
that if there were any conscience at all left in England the workmen of
England would, at any rate,  not allow the jingo fever to seize them again as
in the past, and that they would remember that all the cant and humbug about
expansion only meant expansion for the benefit of capitalists. The Chartered
Company had practically massacrd Lobengula's people, and now that they had
attacked people who could stand up to them, a howl was going up from the
capitalist press that they hoped the Boers in the moment of victory would have
mercy. (Laughter.)
  
William Morris, who was received with tremendous applause, seconding the
resolution, said that he had to congratulate those present on their meeting and
on the work which the Social-Democratic Federation had done and was doing. This
at any rate they of the S.D.F. had always done: they had always kept the
revolutionary principle before them, had always made it clear that they
understood that no amelioration was any good, that no patching up was possible,
that nothing could be accomplished till the workers were really free, until
they had control of their own means of life. The condition of things into which
the present Government seemed to have got itself was due entirely to the
general position of labor and capital throughout civilzation. (Cheers.) As far
as America was concerned they were in that position that at any time a quarrel
might arise, and we could not face it because we chose to hang on with such
desperation to the colony we happened to have over there. If it were not for
Canada what should we care about America? He had never believed in any solid
danger with reference to America at the present moment. In some way or another
we should "back down," and they would do the same, because we were each other's
customers, and we could not afford to go out and buy "shooting-irons" to kill
our own customers. (Cheers.) As far as Africa was concerned, there was a kind
of desperation egging on all the nations to make something of that hitherto
undeveloped country; and they were no doubt developing it with a vengeance.
(Laughter and cheers.) When he saw the last accounts about the Transvaal he
almost wished he could be a Kaffir for five minutes in order to dance around
the "ring". He thought it was a case of a pack of thieves quarreling about
their booty.  The Boers had stolen their land from the people it had belonged
to; people had come in to help them develop their stolen property, and now
wanted to steal it themselves. (Laughter and cheers.) The real fact, however,
that we had to deal with was that we lived by stealing—that was by
wasting—all the labor of the workmen. 

THE LABOR LEADER

WILLIAM MORRIS'S CONFESSION.

POLITICAL ACTION. 

WILLIAM MORRIS, speaking recently in the Holborn Town Hall at a meeting
convened by the Social Democratic Federation, said the condition of things into
which the English government had got itself was, in his view, due entirely to
the general position of labor and capital throughout civilization. So far as
America was concerned, they were in the position that at any time a quarrel
might arise which they did not dare to face because they choose to hang on to a
colony they had there. If it were not for Canada, who would care anything for
America?

He did not believe in any solid danger at the present moment. In some way or
another, both America and England would back down, because they were each
other's customers, and they could not afford to buy shooting-irons and go shoot
their customers.

As far as Africa was concerned, there was a state of
desperation among all the nations to "make" something of that "undeveloped"
country. And they were "developing" it with a vengeance. When he saw the last
account about the Transvaal he almost wished he were a Kaffir for five minutes,
so that he could dance round the ring. The position was just that of a pack of
thieves quarreling about their booty. The Boers first stole the land from the
people to whom it belonged, then they set about getting somebody to help them
to "develope" what they had stolen, and, if they could manage it, they (the
English) would steal from the Boers in turn.

But so long as individuals and
nations practiced stealing for a living those matters were comparatively
trifling. What they had to realize and deal with was the fact that all 
"civilized" States now lived by stealing — i.e., by wasting the labor of all
other workmen. If Society were properly organized for labor and the products
of that labor fairly and justly divided — i.e., if the workers had what they
produced — they would all be able to live a really good life, for by that time
they would have pretty well conquered nature, and there would be practically no
limit to their power of production if they were working in the only reasonable
way — all for each and each for all.

As a result of the growth of Socialism, and
of the fringe which always hung about the skirts of a great idea, they must
expect to come across a fringe-people who wished to stop at small things. Such
were exceedingly lacking in that on which they prided themselves — reason.

The
most important political event of last year had been the rout of the Liberal
party. He did not regard it altogether as the defeat of Whiggism, but rather as
a general rally against all the forward movement, because the defenders of
privilege were beginning to see something really serious in the Socialistic
movement. It was perfectly natural that the result should be a success for the
reactionary party, because those who had the greater part of the money had also
the greater part of votes. But so far from being the least disappointed at the
result, they ought to look upon it rather as the beginning of Socialism in
action as opposed to Socialism in theory. In time gone by, he (the speaker)
was not very anxious to see the political side of Socialism pushed forward.
Some might consider that an indefensible theory. With him it was merely a
matter of tactics. He now distinctly thought the time had arrived for political
action. Hyndman's candidature at Burnley he considered a remarkable event, and
evidence of the movement forward their ideas were making. But after all he 
was of opinion, and always had been, that the main thing Socialists had to do
was to make other Socialists. There should be no surcease in that direction
until the cause was won.

In the meantime they must hit out, and show they were alive. Certain things
were talked about, and would be done; but if done altogether, they would not
make Socialism in the least. Of course they wanted to "raise the condition of
the workers" - like their friends on both sides in the House of Parliament;
but suppose that condition raised far above the possibility attainable under 
the present system. Supposing wages were increased four-fold the present standard,
the workers would still be what they were then - slaves, and slaves they would
remain until they had their own immediate destinies in their own hands.

Much was talked about the necessity for studying the "ins" and "outs" of
Socialism, but he assured them that was not necessary. If they liked the
study it was good as an education, and some found it interesting, but after
all, what they had to do, if they would be free, was to make up their minds
that they would destroy waste, which was poverty. They were all in the grasp
of an artificial poverty. Even in England, the richest country in the world,
they were obliged to say that so and so could not be done because it was a
question of money. They could not make their houses homes, and lives beautiful,
they lived in squalor and disorder - why? - because they were so poor. And as
a nation they were so poor that even the rich man among them could not have what they
desired - self respect.

As he, the speaker, was not a member of the S.D.F. he could praise them for
holding aloft the real flag of revolution. They were determined not to stop half
way. They knew that whatever efforts they might put forth in the way of amelioration,
until the day when Socialism would be realized no true solid gains would or could be
won for the workers. Let them try any of the half measures - and to a certain extent
they were obliged to countenance such to make the thing go - and they would find that it
would mean merely bettering the conditions of one group of section of the workers
by worsening that of other groups. It could not be helped, because, after all, the
workers were not regarded as men, but as machinery to be used for capitaiist
production. 

The workers were thoroughly and entirely disinherited. Notwithstanding their "vote"
they were not citizens of their country; they were as far from that as could be. They
were not men but machines. They managed to rub along in a fashion from day to day,
but they had not the real lives of people working for their own livelihood,

It was their business to get to be citizens although he did not altogether like
the word, for they did not all live, or want to live in cities, and people should
be free to live where they liked. The only possibility of getting into that position
was to see that they were masters of their time, their tools, and the raw material
they had to use. When they had those in their hand they would find that it would be
impossible to prevent the civilized world from entering upon a system of society 
based upon equality. And that was the last word. There were two possible conditions
of life for the workers - slavery and equality. Whatever might be said, or however, it 
might be masked, that was the fact. In one age the slavery was a matter of quite obvious
force - the iron hand everywhere. At present the force was hidden under a velvet glove,
but it was so much the worse for that. They were now under the grasp of a system
of capitalistic economy which would beat them and their masters - even if they were so
willed - to put them on a better level,[sic]  save by destroying the system itself.

In conclusion he would urge upon them the necessity for ever keeping before the
people the broad, deep, reasonable side of the question, otherwise it would one
day come upon them all with suffering, misery and violence, in ways which would be
worst instead of best.

Let them gain their cause by reason, i.e., the forces of principles and the
force of intelligence. 

 
Title
 
 Speech Seconding George Lansbury
 
 
	Sources 
 Justice, 11 January 1896 
	The Labor Leader, 25th January 1896, p. 34
	 
Notes 
 

George Lansbury's motion was to the Annual New Year's Meeting of the Social-Democratic Federation, held in Holborn Town Hall. He was at the time the full-time National Organizer for the SDF. The resolution was 'carried with acclamation'.

    
	Transcription and HTML
    
	
	Graham Seaman, May 2020. 
	


     From : Marxists.org

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     Speech Seconding George Lansbury -- Added : February 28, 2021

     Speech Seconding George Lansbury -- Updated : January 08, 2022

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