The Cuban Revolution : Chapter 11 : The Position of the Cuban Anarchists: Selected Documents (1960-1974)

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(1902 - 1990) ~ Russian Emigre and American Anarchist Activist : He rode the rails for the Wobblies, sometimes as a gandy dancer (or maintenance man), or else hopping boxcars, and he always looked for the chance to stand in front of a crowd and, in that broken cello of a voice. (From :
• "The very fact that autonomy, decentralization and federalism are more practical alternatives to centralism and statism already presupposes that these vast organizational networks now performing the functions of society are prepared to replace the old bankrupt hyper-centralized administrations." (From : "The Relevance of Anarchy to Modern Society," by S....)
• "The increasing complexity of society is making anarchism MORE and NOT LESS relevant to modern life. It is precisely this complexity and diversity, above all their overriding concern for freedom and human values that led the anarchist thinkers to base their ideas on the principles of diffusion of power, self-management and federalism." (From : "The Relevance of Anarchy to Modern Society," by S....)
• "Society without order (as the word 'society' implies) is inconceivable. But the organization of order is not the exclusive monopoly of the State. For, if the State authority is the sole guarantee of order, who will watch the watchmen?" (From : "The Relevance of Anarchy to Modern Society," by S....)


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Chapter 11

THI: I,O.SITION OF TllE; ('UBAN ANIAItCHISTS: tiE[,l:CTl-:D DOt UMENTS; 1960-1974] firJCt/Htent.$ spa/?t7itig the C f7Ut se O] thf' ('t/bfit7 Rel'O/tniOt7 cle'770//.5ttute t/7e con.sislent approach OJ tile Ct/17Ut7 anarchists 1owar the p/rJhlen'.s oJ the ('ubut7 Re~oltnion a.s .s'./t77/ttfiri~.erl in Ihe ~5'taten7ent ~/ Prhttip/e.s tfirst docu'77et1t) und in tize conti'/rIing stalen7et71, "Cuha. I?evabtti'~/' u/''l Counter-Rel~o/''tio'7. " .111 thf' selecled docu/?7ent.s emp/7usi~,e COn.5t/tlC'/il'e proposal.s und pruclical liberturiat7 a/ternatives tRJ dic tutot s/7i/7 f5t/itingly sin7ilat to the rec 0~7tulel7flutions of the note agronfJmIst unfl ecot70/ Rene D7/n70t7t and fJ'her qualified critics. (.see int/ oat/c tifJn). /'or the anarc hi.sts (and with thent a growing nt/t77her o/ co/7Cernef/ people) .socia/ist production¬sociali.st77 itself¬cant701 a.s the Slulement rJl Principles insists. . . "he 1,iewed as a simple lechnif al proces.s. . . the dec isi~'e fac lor is rhe h7tt77an factor. . . " the senlitttenis, inleresis, anft Ihe u.s/7iralions of teen, women, and children, consiftered not as tnere c iphers, but as INDI ~IDUAL HUMAN BEINGS. 1S.D. Declaration Of Principles of the Libertarian Syndicalist Group of Cuba (Havana, 1 960) (1) Against the State in All its Forms WE ttle Syndicalist Group, consider that in this period of revolutionar) reconstruction by the peopic of Cuba, it is our 135 inescapahlc cut! ro al firm our position in relation to the pressing prohlems of the ( ullan Revolution. We oppose not only specific acts or policies of [hc >;talc, hut the very c~istencc to the State itself and its right to exercise supreme and uncontested supremacy over every aspect of social litc. We must therefore resist any policy that tends to increase the growing po\\er of the State, the exicnsion of its functions and its totalitarian tendencies. WE, ( uban Libertarian militants, as well as our comrades in other Countries, believe that it is impossible to make a Social Revolution without elitninatitlg the State. The social functions usurped by the State must be returned to and exercised by the grass-roots organizations of the people themselves such as labor unions, free municipalities, agricultural and industrial cooperatives, and collectives and voluntary federations of all kinds; all of them must be free to function without authoritarian interference. Politically naive worshipers of the State believe that human society was created by the State. In reality, the State owes its origin to the rise of privileged classes and the consequent degeneration of society. In spite of all its admirers both right and left may say, the State is not only the parasitic excrescence of class society, but is also itself a generator of political and economic privilege and the creator of new privileged classes. The revolutionary transformation of bourgeois into socialist society also demands the abolition of the State. (2) The Unions as the Economic Organ of the Revolution WE, Revolutionary Syndicalists maintain that the labor movement is the truest expression of the interests and the aspirations of the working class. It is therefore the historic task of the unions to effect the economic revolution by substituting the "government over men by the administration of things." The labor unions and the federations of industry, properly and rationally restructured, contain within themselves the human and technical elements needed for the most complete collective development and self-management of industry. As against the "revolutionary" and reactionary politicians who strive only to capture power, the decisive role of the unions in this period of revolutionary organization is to become the living organisms for the direction and coordination of the economy. The subordination of the unions to the political power of the State, especially in this revolutionary period, constitutes a betrayal of the working class; a vile maneuver to assure labor's defeat, in this historic moment when it should be fulfilling its most vital socialist task; the adminstration of production and distribution in the interests of the whole of society. .. 136 (1) 11lc 1 alltl to 1'hosc Who Worl~ It Wl . I II. Ill. ll and women of the L.illertarian Syl1dicalist (,roup, now, more Illall e\er hcLorc, stand hy our revolutionary watchword: "The Lantl 1 il I hose Who Worl~ It." We believe that the classic cry of the peasants of all countries, "I AND AND LIBERTY," is the truest expression of the imtlledi;ttc aspirations of the Cuban guajiros (peasants): their own land to till and the freedom to organize themselves and to administer agricultural production. This may be done through family cultivation in some cases, or by organizing producers' cooperatives in other cases; but ABOVE ALL [wherever possible] through the organization of COLLECTIVE I AR\IS. The form of cultivation must always be decided by the peasants themselves, never imposed by the State. While the representatives of the State may, in some cases, be technically capable men, they are in most cases, ignorant of and insensitive to the true sentiments, interests and aspirations of those who till the soil. Throupt1 loItg experience and participation in the revolutionary struggles of the peasantry, we are convinced that the planniItg of agricultural production, cannot be viewed solely as a mere technical process. Althougt1 it is true that the condition of the land and machinery of cultivation are very important, the decisive factor is for ItS, the human factor: the peasants themselves. We therefore declare that we favor the organization of collective and cooperative work on a voluntary basis¬extending to the peasant the necessary technical and cultural tools¬no doubt the best means¬of convincing him of the greater advantages to him of collective cultivation as distinct from and superior to individual or family cultivation. To act otherwise, to use coercion and force, would be to lay the basis for the complete failure of the agrarian revolution¬and consequently, THE REVOI U~ ION ITSEI F. (4) The School Should Instruct; the Family Should Rear the Young WE, militants of Revolutionary Syndicalism, maintain that culture must not be the exclusive property of anyone in particular, but of the whole of humanity. Culture is a right¬not a privilege. All persons regardless of class, race, religion or sex, must have complete access to the fountains of knowledge without limitations or restrictions of any kind. Education should not be monopolized by th State or any privileged group. Education at all levels must be free to all (primary and secondary schools, technical and scientific schools and the universities). The moral and political education of their children should be considered the inalienable right of the parents, with 110 ecclesiastical. nolitical or statist interference. In the final analysis. the family 137 ix titL' l';;SIL Utlit tll ~~,Lit't\ ;illtl itS SttiltCIIIC ICSpC?tlSilliIit\ is Itit tlUM; .Ultl IlilVNiL\ti llit?tt'~tiOtl t?I itS VOIIIl."C~I IIICIlil?CIS I 1lis It'sl?OtlNit~iIit\ inipliC~ tigilt~ that nittSt not hc taiell a\\;t\: that tit the lotmUtitin ol C li;il.i~ ICI, titlCt itlL't?lOgictII t?tietit'Itit?ll ol ttCW gCilel;ltiOiiS \\ itllill tilC l'.nliil\. the llt?lite itSL'If. (~) I'he Strttggle Ag.tiil~t NatiOtlaliStil, NlilitariStil atitl ililpCtialiSIll Wl are opposctl to all wars. I'hc instrunients ot'death pro(iticed ill sttch l'rigiltetling qualitities by the great powet-s must 11(?\\ be converted UltO instrtinielits t'ot the abolition ot' hunger and the needs of' hul~-(?vcl-isiled peoples: to bring happilless and well-being to all mallkirld. A~ revoltitiottary wol-liers we are fervent partizans of i'ratel-t?al ulltlet-st.tndiltg bctweeti all peoples irrespective of all national 1lotlllLi;irics, or linguistic. racial, political and religious harriers... WE: at-e unaltel-ably opposed to the military training of the young, the .reatiol1 of professional armies. I or us, nationalism and militarism are svnollylilotts with t'ascism. Less arms and mote prows! Less soldiers and more teachers! Less Citnllt)ilS and more bread for all! We, L ibertarian Syndicalists arc against all forms of imperialisrrt and colonialism; against the economic domination of' peoples, so prcvalel?t in the Amcricas; agahist military pressure to impose upon peoples political and ccorlotltic systcitis f'oreign to their national cultures, cu.stortis and social systems¬a~ is the case in parts of Europe, Asia and A i r tca. We belic\c that illllOtlg the nations of the world, the small are as Wol-ttly as the big. .lust as \\e rerTlain enemies of national states because each of them ttolds its own people in subjection; so also are we opposed to the super-states that utilize their political, economic and military power to hill?ose theit- rapacious systems of exploitation on weaker coulitrics. As against all forills of imperialism, we declare for revohitionary internatic?lialism; for the creation of great confederations ol free peoples f'or thL'ii illUttial interests; for solidarity and mutual aid. We believe itl an acti\e militant pacifism that rejects the dialectic of just wars" ant3 "tttl just wars," a pacilisn1 titat demands an end to the aritis race and rejection of nuclear and all other armaments. (6) 'Fo But-eaucratic C'entralism We C'ounterpose i~cderalisrri WE are inherently opposed to all centralist tendencies; political social, and economic. We believe that the organizatior1 of society sholild prc?cced from the simpic to the complex; from the bottom upwards. It should begin in the basic organisms: the municipalities, the labor unions, the peasants' organizatiotts, etc. coordinated into great 138 {UIIIt~ttitl ;ilitl ititCIIUltiOIUtl Ol",tili/;ltUlil~ l';tsCtl 011 Illlltll;ll jlLtCt~ bL t \\ c~ tl Lt| ll;il' I IIC'C slItillIti i,C sct ull ~ I t C 1\ 1 Ol CtililItitill 1~111 |l(lscs \\itllt)Itt itl jnl\ tt~ all\ t,I Ihc c~Ultl;lctillg 1l;titics, c;lcil tlt \\in~lll ntllst dl\\a\' tCt.lin thc tighNO \\ithCll;t\\ tl(llil the ;IglCClllCnt sht?tiltl it at alty time be t'elt ~tich .ICtit?tl \\oUI(l be~t sel-\e its intclests It is Otil ulidel~-t.ttitling that these ~ocial orgatlizatic?lis, the great natiotntl and intern;tti(?t'.tl cont'eticnttiolis ol' unions, peasants' a~soLi;ttiolis cultttt-;tl ''tOttllS anL't IllUtliCil~;lIitiCS, will carry the lOptUSelltatiOI1 t?t all \\ithOtit ptlSSCSSilig any greatetpowers that those "lalltCLi thein 't y the COltipOllCllt t'ederatecl UltitS at the base. I lle lit?ert\ tif peoliles can only t~ind ;idequate expression throtigh a fedcl-alist type of Otgalli~atiOtl, \\hich ~ ill set the necessary limits to the freL(Iom of eact1 while guat-aliteeing the freedom of all. Expeliencc deniolistratcs that political and economic centralizatiot1 leads to the cleatioi1 of IllOIIStlOllS totalitariar1 states; to aggression and war bet\\ecil l~;ltiinl.S: to the exploitation and misery of the great masses of Ihe people. (7) Without Individual Freedom There Can Be No Collective Freedotn WE, Libertarian Syndicalists are firm supporters of individual rights. There can be no treedonl for the COIlllllUIlity as a whole if any of its members are deprived of their freedom. There can be no freedom for the collectivity where the hidividual is the victim of oppression. All human rig}lts must be guaranteed. These include freedom of expression, the right to work, to lead a decent life. Without these guarantees there can be no civilized basis for human beings to live together in society. We believe in liberty and justice for all persons, even for those holding reactionary views. (8) The Revolution Belongs To Us All The Libertarian Syndicalist Group reiterates its will to support the struggle t'or complete liberation of our people. Affirming that the Revolution is not the exclusive property of any individual or grouping, but belongs to all the people. Just as we have always done, we will continue to support all revolutionary measures that tend to remedy the old social ills. At the same time we shall, as always, continue our struggle against authoritarian tendencies within the Revolution itself. We have fought against the barbarism and corruption of the past. We now oppose all deviations that attempt to undermine our Revolutioll by forcing it into authoritarian channels. . . which are destructive of human dignity. We oppose all the reactionary groups that battle desperately to reconquer their abolished privileges and we 139 .llNo ollllo~c ttlc 1lcW 1lscuLi(? olllll-cssi\c, cxploitillg glotlps tluat in ('tilla Call be alledLiV diSCelneLi Oll the revohltit~llal-' 1l(ll i/OII \\c ale tOI jtlStiCC, socialism an(l tlee(loltl; t'or the well-being ot all IIIL'I~ l-egar~tless of' origill, religion Ol race. Worhers! Pcasants! -;ttidellts! Mel1 and Women ot Cuba' lo these revolutionary concepts \\e s\ ill relllaill i'aithful to the end. I;or these principles we are willing to St.itL our personal t'recdolll and it necessary our lives. Libertarian Syndicalist Croups La Habana, 1960 1\1iscellaIleous L)eclaratiotts 1961-1975 Statement of Cuban Libertarian Movement Addressed to its Sister Organiz.ations of All Countries, August, 1961 . . . The Cuhan Libertarian Movement wishes to point out that whenever the Cuban people suffered the consequences of dictatorship, Ottl movement joined herds with those who sincerely struggled against such dictators/lips. In the various times that this has happened, it has cost our movement precious lives. Long before the present revolutionary organizations did so, the Cuball L ibertarian Movement fought by all nteans at its disposal, against all imperialism, especially against North American imperialism, since this was the one that most directly affected our personal liberties and our economic development. Thus, our movement cannot be accused at any time or for any reason of being indifferent to the sufferings of our people or tolerant towards any imperialism, either democratic or totalitarian. The Cuban Libertarian Movement feels that in each case it has taken the position that it should have taken as a revolLttionary organization... . . . Cuba is controlled by a super-statist regime based upon the most rigid Marxist school. Its planning, structure and development follow the historic pattern of similar countries, and if there is some difference hetween them, it is only a difference of degree. In consequence, the Libertarian Movement of Cuba does not see in the Cuban Revolution any of the principles that can identify it with the fundamental concepts of our ideology. On the contrary, it would appear that just as in the other Marxist-Socialist countries all libertarian thought will be suppressed, man will completely lose his personality, his dignity and hits rights in order to be a mere cog in the macllillery of the State¬a process already underway. We know that Capitalist, clerical and imperialist interests are allying themselves against the Cuban Revolution. But it is also true that great numbers of 140 L \~~,I;CTS, l~cit~ants, intellectt~als anti plotessiottal people nl;tilltaill a jl TIL OllllositiLlll to ttle tot;'lit;u iLlil l-CI'ilile. I lle ('t~halt l \loxemellt has at tlO thlle made COlnltlOII au~c \\ith the represelttatives of' reactiol1 aIld will not do so in the tutttre. Nol- will we accept the seli'ish intervention of any imperialist ;ouiltrv ill the Cllban problem. But the peoples of' the Latin American colltinetlt have every l- ight to intervene. I hey have a moral obligation to det'elld the nlillilllun1 rights that have been won at so great a cost, when these rights are usul-ped anywhere in Latin America [or anywhere else]. In view of all that we have said, the Cuban Libertarian Movement will maintain its ideological postulates under all circumstances and will struggle to the end for the freedom of the Cuban people and for the Social Revolution... The National Executive (Names have been omitted or changed to prevent official reprisals.) Message of the Libertarian Movement of Cuba in Exile To The Eifth Congress of the Libertarian Federation of Argentina (Buenos Aires, December, 1961) The many letters we have received from individuals and from groups indicate that the international libertarian movement is not only deeply disturbed about the present situation in Cuba, but equally concerned about our general attitude with respect to Cuba's problems and what the ncw situation would be, should the Castro dictatorship collapse or be overthrown. We will support tile revolutionary movement of the masses to solve the great problems of the country and abolish all special privileges and injustices. We will resolutely oppose all reactionary elements who today fight Castro-Communism, only because they yearn to recapture their political power and bring back the old order with all its greed and corruption. We fight against the Castro dictatorship because it signifies the strangulation of the Rcvolution, submitting our people to the exploitation and oppression of the new exploiting class, just as evil as its predecessor. We fight the new tyranny that placed our country at the service of Soviet-Chinese imperialism. We must do our utmost to help the Cuban people recapture their freedom of action, by achieving the revolutionary transformation of their country in accordance with their own special interests, and in solidarity with their natural allies, the people of Latin America, who are fighting against their own feudal and capitalist regimes. We want a new Cuba, that will reorganize its social life with the most ample economic justice and most complete political freedom; because wc are, above all, socialists and libertarians. 141 I IIC COI1tCII1 ot' the illtL'ln.lti/lII.II liLcl-t,lri.lil IlIO\t'lllL'III witil milugglc ag.lill~t ('astio ( 0111111till;SI11 ~hOUIt3 ;11 n(} WaY bellet'il llt~l ini\c aliv conilecthul \\ith tile Silli~lel IOICCS ot'le;letioll is also kOill Ct?l1CCI11. Witl; .11l tilc~olelililit\ Ill.ll ttlt ~IitiC;II Sittl;ltiOII w;lil;tiltS, \\itil all the cmpil;lsis at OU' comiliall~l, wc, the Cull;lil lihertarialu;, a~sule t?lll COllll';l(tL'S O! the 1 il~clt;lli;lll I CLICI;ItIOT1 Ot /\rgentitia that we will 11eVel 111Ot;C I?L?I II jCLII (le;IlS witil ;Illti ( .Istroites to h;lllcl ;IW(I! Otil intiepcildence as a mt1\elilelit in its t'ight tor trecdom; nol will we sElt?ordil?ate the treecloll1 ot the Cllball people Lo the interests ot Russian or American illlpeli;tliSln 01 all\ other toreigr1 power. We pledge OUI solid;n it\' Wit h ali S;nCCIC underground re\ olutioll;lries strugglilig against tile Castro tyralil?y. We are prepared to tight with all lovers ot't'reedom t'or COilllllOII ainIS WjthOtIt SaCI jfjCjNg OLll Ijbel-tal jaI1 principles nor our identity as a distinct revolutionary orgatlizatioll. In order to counter-balance the cnorillL?us political-economic power of the reaction which fights Castroism only because it aims to replace the Cuball dictatorsilip w~th the l~illLt ot' totalitarian regime which after a quarter of a certtury is still oppressing the Spanish people, it will be necessary to forge an equally formidable alliance. We do not believe that we alone, with our weak forces, can possibly overthrow Castro's "revoltitionary government," fonnidably rcinforccd by the techilical, economic, political, and military might of the "socialist" countries. Furthermore, the Castro government has built up so IllOllSt10US an apparatus that it cannot be dislodged by the Cuball peopic alone. We consider that the best (though by no means the only) allies of the Cuban pcopic in their struggle l or justice and freedom, are the other Latin American peoples \' ho are also fighting to emancipate themselves¬under different circtlmstances¬but with the same spirit and the same ideals. To this revolutionary task wc decticate our best efforts and we urge the libertarian movemelits in other lands to take the initiative in uniting all liLcrtarian forces on the basis of'a general program acceptable to all. BOLETfN de Informacion Libertaria¬C,cneral Delegation l.ibertarian Movement of Cuba¬in Exile (Caracas Venezuela, July 1962) The necessities of' the wal- against the totalitarian regime in ('uba which nas organized a politic;ll police apparatus along Soviet lines, impedes the creatiorl Of large colicelit rations operating openly. It makes necessary the creation ot small, IOOSCIY corlllected, secret resistalicc groups carrying on a guerrilla war Ot attrition, to wear down, exhaust and t'inally force tne L-ollapsc ol' the dictatorship... 1-he people will make the hangmen ot' the revroltniol1 pay for the atrocities they ila\L' committed and give thcln a tT(!SL ot [hCj; OWn medicine. 142 \\ C ;11 ~ ~ (111\ 111. ~ (1 1 jl~ll 1 11L 1 jIIC O1 1~11.1 j I ~ ~ ,~lllll~'ll.ll \ .IL tl',ll I . I ilt VIII\ ~ 14\IIIL ~\ 1' IL11 1II~ ( I,~] I,L{\I1IL l~, l~ ~ (~I~~~( 1 1IIL II ;~)NI lItLLI{,I\] .\IILI li~llll~l.l~~ tl,' ~ .I~l I L, ~ lil Ilik' Ill''l11~~~1~ ~ll Nt~ligglL' (1t tile 1l i~ll l\( I1IIIIII(- IIIN, Illc I~~\\isil N(~~'IL~ ol Islilel. tile ( \IlIIIN llkitlit?tN ;IIItt tilL' I\lpt'I itill ICSiStililLC illOWIIIClltN N\ C IIIII.SI ;1(1;1ll1 1 11L'SL' illCt lIO(IN lo ( Illlillt LOllLlit it?llS. '(11 11~. 1 1le 111 ill~'illfil I IIIlCtitill (?1 tile C\ilL'~ i'. l~, [lt~lll Stililitl.Ite tile l-c\oliltiolilil! ;ICtiOII ot lile olg;UliZ'lti(?llN IIISILIC ( til,~l. \\llicit lel?lcNcilt tilC tigiltilig \\ill ot tilC llcol~le W j1C?CVCI \\;lNtCS lililt', tlVilig to ClC;ltC l1;lllUl t~l'';lili/;lli(,llN WllL?'L, ;lilil is to C;ll?tillC 11t?wCI, it ;lllLt wilell tilt~ c ;iNtl (?-( (liltillUlliNt t~iL t;lt(llS t;l11, is guill\ ol tit CLit .IllC' i.N tielaN'ilig ttle il CiLltit?ll t?t tilC ~ ull;ll1 llet?lile. ,Ys litelollg n~ilitant Ic\t?l~ltiollaries, \\e l'igllt alW.tNS t't?r the t'reeci ot'the ('uhal1 pef?l?le to make their own revt?lutit?rl without beeoinilig VlCI jn]N ot toreigl1 ;tild dt?lileStiC tyratit.s. ()til Illaitl ta~k is to agree Otl a pl;u1 ot ulZiteLl ;lL'iC?ll \\ 11ietl will krilig ahout tile CiCStI'UCtiOI1 ot tilC castlo-et?nililullist dictatorship. 'N\'hilC we are prepared to r'igitt with all sincere l(l~el~ (?t freedom t'or colilnic?rl ol?jeetives, we NN'ill remail1 an illtiel?eliderit orgallizatit?ll and will not eollaborate Wit'tl the power hUlilgry p(?liticialls Wtit? are alleady plottilig to tahe over and are alteadv creating ''(iovernillelits in E.xile" or ''(io\ernmelits in the uttder git?UllCi. Agr:1ri'lIl I,abt?l- \lltl I tle l ;lild (Ab.barclo Iglesias: /?evo/ulion ani1 Counter-liewolutior~ in C'uba. BC)/t'ti/7 c/e I/IJr~l /Utl~ iO'/1 Li/)ertariU--()rgUll of the I il~erlu/iun Mr>v'~n7c'nt cif ( Il/JU it1 Exile, ,HVIialI11' .IUI1C l ~f 6) I ilC l(ltM C.lilSC tOI' j?(?litiLal ;IllCt social tililCSt ill ~ Ut?;l, ciCltirig 11ac; to CCllililiCS (?t jl?ttiliS11 C(llOllittI dt?rRlililltiOI1 iS tilC 1lt?rl-ibly UlljUlSt diStlillTlli(?l1 ot tile lallcl. A t?Tccic?lilill.ultl~ Itil-;ll Ct?tilill-y, witl1 its ecoll(?lilN ;Ilill'?St totClilV cteilelidellt Oll ;ItU icultilEe ;tilLt ;Illililill [lilSi?;Ultil! IlltlNt ol IlecCssity wil?e Otit ;lil vUstig,es (?t tCtlCt.It I3lt?l?Clty allcl i?l,lCC Ille lLuttl LlilCCtly ititO tilc hcillCts ot tile ;IgliCUitill;It WOII'CIS. \\ jI jlC tile iLliltlLCt ;ll isloclilc\ ~tilov,s V;ISt ;IIC;IS ot ICI tilC lkilltl to relililitl IlilCliltiV;ltCti ;IllLt glCllt IllaSSeS t?t t)C;IN;IIItN SUttCI tliL' I;l\;lgLN ol clisekisc, Ililill~cl ;UILt ll(?VClty, tilc ut-hall lloPlililIitIII Cll j~lVS ;l st;liltl;llkl ol ti\ ilU' \;INI iv sililCl i(ll to ;ulYtililig tilowil ill I ;ll ill All1L I jL;I. I '>l I ili' IL';IN(lII tilc I illel t.lli;U1 1\I(I\( IIILIII W;IN ;IlY';lvs jI]lCIISLIY L(?llkLl lic(l ;vitil llic |lI(,l?lL.lil (,l (,lg~l~ll/lil!' ;' I;Itlit ;It, tlt( |11\ It)()tL( gl-icLIlr ll l ;ll ~ L \ ;lti(,ll (,t tile l?C;IS;IIlt~. I l-(lill Ilic tilg;lili';lti~ll~ tit ;1 Ill(,ttllccl-s ct?ttec Ctl(,l?CI;lti\C ill Nlt?'lte I(U/ o\CI' ;t tlilt' CCIlilII'y ;Igt>, to tile olpiltliz;ltit?l1 ot tile /)t.n! ~C't1t'rtiti(~~] (J/'('I//'u, III \\ lIiCtl tltl~CllN ot' our Ctlllll;UICS tOUg'tit, the ( tll ;lll I iLel-tal-ialis callieci till the StlUgglC ;Ig;lillSt the l'iCh latlCIiClrdS, UlCItlIlg the peasallts to t'ol-cilily seize utlcultivatctt property and work the land collecti\ely hy tltgalliZ.illg themselves illtt? voluntary revoltititiliary collectives or similar cooperative organizatiolis... \W7ith the tritimpil ot tle Revolution of 1959, the Cubat1 l ibertarians urgecl the peasalits to seize the land and organize agricultural cooperatives without waiting for orders from the new Castroite authorities. This policy was undertaken for two reasons: first, to involve actively the peasant masses in the construction and achllhlistriltic?rl of' the new agricultural economy through their own voluntary organizations; and second, because direct action of the peasants would place economic power in their own hands, thus pre\enting the "revolutionary state" from converting free cooperators into slaves of the totalitarian regime. After a great deal of resistance, the nevv dictators dislodged the peasants from the land by force and threats. The Cuban anarchists repeatedly warned against dismissing or underestimating the vital contributiot1 that the small peasant proprietor who works the land hitilself with the help of his family and does not employ hired labor can make to the Revolution (this policy also applies to artisans, small workshops, cooperatives, and the thousands of specialized services without which the economy would come to a stancistill. The feasibility of this policy was amply demonstrated during the Spanish Revolution in the libertarian type rural collectives and urball socialized industry.) [To remind the reader, this extremely important point, already discussed in the article Plows, Tractors and the Guajiro (peasant) is repeated here:] i' . . . without tllltlCrCStitl~i~tirlt' the importance of huge cooperative farms to meet the need for agricultural products, it must be stressed tnat the small peasant proprietors can also contribute greatly to agricultttral production by organizing themselves into collectives for the intensive cultivation of the land in common. .loilit Statement Ot''l'he L illcrtarians Of The Americas (pulilisiled in the IJ..S. by the Cuban l.ibertarian Movement¬Miami I ')~?~) It'/'ereus: I.ibertariarl prbicililes are unconclitiorially opposecl to all tlllllS t?t lltllllall St;lVCly. . . 144 1] //('n'U\. (iCwt'Ll t?ll jeCti\L't\;, [lie stici;tl ;UILt lloliliC;Ii Ct)UISC tl1 tilC '0 c;lilt'tl ( Ull;itl Re\t?lUtit?tl WtliCil llitS ictl to tile cst;'l?llNlilticilt ol ;~ ollnnU'liNt ICgililC il1 ( ul?;t tl;tS CylliC;tlty I I UStI;ltCtl ttlC .ISIlil;Itil~llS oI tllc ('tIll.lll 1?CtllllC. 11 /~e/t'~i.~. I hc ('astro-Cclrlltlliltlist regime is at?le to ttl;tillt;lili its colttol ovel the ( I!ll;ltl llCtlpIC ttl.llikS only to the ulilitary aticl CCtlliOllliC sUIlilol-t and hackitig ot' Russia whicl1 'has tut-llecl ttle istatitl hltt? one niore satellite of Red Imperialisn1 throtigh a policy ot' Ierror, implistilililetit, and crime ;Illtl hlhibilhlg the resistance and struggle of' the people of Cuba against tyranily. [f'IIereus: The so-called Cuban Revolution, at'ter offering land to those WtlO work it has instead taken the latid away from its former owners including peasants¬given in toto to the State, thereby converting the peasants into wage-slaves of the State. In the same way, all industrial and productive centers, transport, distribution, the press and in short all social, political and economic activity of the country has been taken over, subjecting the people to the will and authority of the Totalitarian State. Whereas: All freedom of thought and expression is forbidden in Cuba, no citizen being permitted the free expression of disagreement with the political system and the norms established by the government in power; that all communications media are totally in the hands of the State; that all publication of books and other literary material is subject to the supervision and autllorization of the State, and furthermore, that any oral or written expression of opposition or criticism of the government is a punishable offense. Whereas: Over 90°70 of the Cuban people are against the political system that has been imposed on them by force and violence, it being a fact that after nine and a half years of Communist domination there are now 100,000 persons in Cuban prisons with the number increasing. Executions and murders of fighters for freedom are daily occurrences in the prisons and the total of these is already more than ten thousand. Over half a million persons have already fled from Cuba, by every means imaginable. These have been of all social classes, but mostly workers and peasants, and their leaving Cuba is a clear demonstration of the rejection by a people of the regime that enslaves them. Whereas: The so-called Cuban Revolution does not in the least represent the aspirations of the Cuban people which fights and always will fight for its f'reedom with the fullest respect for human life and safety and for continual improvement in the search for peace and the social good. ThereJore Wc, the organizations signing this Joint Statement of l.ibertarians of the Americas, declare: 'I hat the C'astro regime is at the service ot' Russia in its plans for the tntlllC dOtllillatiOI1 ot' the pcopics ot' the Anlcricas: That the Cuban 145 |~ct,|3lc flit\ ~ t llc Icgit ilUtil C N i'111 1 t, ~ t~lill?;ll ;Illti t)\ t I t iu t)\\ t kc IN(1I j I jL.11 ICt'ililC tit;tt llt,\\ t) jil)ICSSCS tiltill: t 1l;1t tile l~lc'~cilt .stillLlylt L,l tile ( Ill~; l~c',l~lc ,~g:~il,St tl~til- ~NI?l?~c'~~~'s ;ll~tt c',.sI;lvc~.s is j~lSt, ;~l~tl silt~llItt tilcl-ctt~l-c, il.tVC IlIC sill~l)Ol't .lllil llell~ ot ;tii iil~cl-t.ll-i;lil t?l'g;Uli/.ltit~lls ;lilt1 intlivitiHai~ t?T1 tllc Amelican ('oiltillcnt anti ot' the W',rld: llu~t the l~'l-'ipt~ct! ~?I'g;ll~i/;~tit?llS sl~l~l?t~l t tl~c ~ lil?;ll] peC?I?le itl ttleil ~trll!~~,le tt? \' il~

From : Anarchy Archives


November 30, 1973 :
Chapter 11 -- Publication.

February 05, 2017 17:48:22 :
Chapter 11 -- Added to

February 14, 2020 12:41:59 :
Chapter 11 -- Last Updated on


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