Compost the Colony : 
Exploring Anarchist Decolonization
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Author : Alexander Dunlap

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The term “decolonization” has gained prominence within the University
over the last decade. From diets to international security, academics are
talking about decolonizing. While the watering down and co-optation of the
term “decolonization” is recognized (Tuck and Yang, 2012; Grosfoguel,
2016; IAM, 2017), this article briefly examines how anarchism might be
useful for decolonization: what is anarchist decolonization or
decoloniality?[1] The recent article by Lina Álvarez and Brendan Coolsaet
(2020) on “Decolonizing Environmental Justice Studies” indicates the
affinity between anarchism and decolonization without saying it directly.
In response, this article provides a conception of anarchist
decolonization, which is accomplished by briefly reviewing a multiplicity
of anarchist positions,[2] before locating and responding to observable
tensions within decolonial theory from which anarchist decolonization
departs.

Anarchism & Anarchy



Decolonial critics recognize that there exists a eurocentrism within
Anarchism. This entails the problematic privileging of Enlightenment
rationalism and materialist atheism, reducing issues solely to class
(class-centric), and transposing Western conceptions of state, sovereignty,
and law onto Indigenous cultures (Ciccariello-Maher, 2011; Ramnath, 2012;
Barker and Pickerill, 2012). These limitations have resulted in calls for
decolonizing anarchism (see Ciccariello-Maher, 2011; Ramnath, 2012; Pico in
Ruiz, 2020). “We have lost and forgotten these links” to the earth,
Josep Gardenyes (2011) contends, “to such an extent that in classic
anarchist texts we find the same rationalist proposal to replace the
capitalist war of all-against-all with the socialist war of ‘all against
nature’” to create the “architecture of their controlled
environment.” Recognizing this limitation, Maia Ramnath (2011: 26–8),
however, notes at least three ways anarchism complements anti-colonial
struggles. First, anarchism acknowledges the state as “extraneous to
society” and anarchists act as the “primary resistance to the onset of
industrialization” as “opposed to the Marxian and syndicalist
[teleological developmental] assumption” (see also Springer, 2016).
Second, anarchism asserts that the “agrarian peasant rather than
industrial proletarians [represent] the leading edge of struggle” (see
also Roman-Alcalá, 2020),[3] and third, anarchism now recognizes the
intersectionality of (economic, political, psychological, ideological, and
military) oppressions encompassed in colonization, thus requiring a
“total decolonization.” Decolonial anarchism necessitates the total
liberation of humans and non-humans (Springer, forthcoming) and, following
the insurrectionist tendency (see Loadenthal, 2017), the (neo)colonial
state is identified as an occupying force waging a permanent low and
high-intensity war to control natural “resources” and domesticate
people.



Anarchism, however, has multiple positions and cross-pollinating tensions.
Classical anarchism(s) such as anarcho-syndicalism and communism, while
taking many shapes, emphasize collective struggle, labor organizing, and
controlling productive infrastructures to institute egalitarian,
self-organized, and worker-led workplaces, which includes abolishing
wage-labor (see Rudolph Rocker, Peter Kropotkin, and Mikhail Bakunin).
Anarcho-individualism and/or egoism alternatively emphasize free will and
individual action over groups or ideological systems (see Max Stirner,
Renzo Novatore, and Emma Goldman). These ideas have spawned Insurrectionary
Anarchism, which challenges classical organizational strategies with
“informal organization,” affinity groups, and unmediated action against
the capitalist state (see Alfredo Bonanno & Jean Weir). Anarcho-nihilism,
inspired by the 19th-century Nihilist movement and anarcho-individualism,
breaks from articulating any future “hope” or “better tomorrow” and
charts a path of evasion and destruction (see Novatore and Anonymous,
2013a). Insurrectionist and Nihilist tendencies have taken hold in Latin
America (Anonymous, 2013, 2014a, 2014b; Rodriguez, 2013, 2020; Ruiz, 2020;
Negación & Conspiración Acrata Magazines); meanwhile Feminist and Queer
expressions have also proliferated (see Beniamino, 2018; FBI, 2019; Bash
Back! & Bæden Journal).



Finally, and particularly relevant to anarchist decolonization, is the
Green and ecological anarchist constellation (see Green Anarchy, 2005;
Clark, 2020). Influenced by the latter tendencies, green anarchism places
ecological issues at its core, which includes land defense, animal
liberation (anti-speciesism, veganism), and appreciation for horizontal
Indigenous cultures. Green anarchism is associated with Anti-civilization
anarchism, which recognizes the oppression and domination of the present
within Ancient Civilization, originating before colonialism (see Green
Anarchy, 2005; Return Fire & Black Seed Magazine). Anarcho-primitivism has
been central to advancing anti-civilization critique and deconstructing
technology, time, and culture, all the while advocating non-”civilized”
lifeways and, in its extreme, a return to hunter and gatherer practices
(see John Zerzan; el-Ojeili and Taylor, 2020). This brief, partial, and
incomplete typology serves as a sample for crafting decolonial synergies.



There is an exhaustive number of positions, theories, and disagreements
between anarchist tendencies. These come in the forms, for example, of
anarchism versus anarchy (Green Anarchy, 2005) or civil versus subversive
anarchists (see Anonymous, 2013). The latter frequently seek to distance
themselves from workerism, bureaucratized forms of life, and, for our
purposes here, its Eurocentric underpinnings. Instructive is defining
anarchism as a tension. Alfredo Bonanno (1998 [1996]: 2) contends:





Anarchism is not a concept that can be locked up in a word like a
gravestone. It is not a political theory. It is a way of conceiving life,
and life, young or old as we may be, old people or children, is not
something definitive: it is a stake we must play day after day. When we
wake up in the morning and put our feet on the ground we must have a good
reason for getting up, if we don’t it makes no difference whether we are
anarchists or not. We might as well stay in bed and sleep.





Anarchism is relational, believing in self-organized, unmediated direct
action. It does not believe in separating theory from action, which has
created an inclination for anarchists to reject universities (see Springer,
2016). “Our anarchism is not pure,” contends Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui
(2014: 12): “it is stained with indigeneity,” feminism, ecology, and
even with spirituality. Anarchistic and anti-authoritarian tensions refuse
neat categorization, taking multiple shapes and forms within the Pluriverse
of struggle.



Despite the diversity of anarchist thought (see Anonymous, 2014b;
Rodríguez, 2013, 2020; Maldonado, 2012; Maxwell and Craib, 2015; Ruiz,
2020), following Aragorn’s (2005) search for an Indigenous Anarchism,
there are three important relational pillars: direct action, mutual aid,
and voluntary cooperation. Direct action stresses unmediated action through
self-organization, but also through attacking structures of domination.
Mutual aid is the voluntary reciprocal exchange of resources and services
for mutual benefit (see Kropotkin; Goldman; Springer, 2016). Meanwhile,
voluntary cooperation is how individuals determine their activities: how
and with whom they experience life. These traits have long existed
implicitly, and have been expressed differently, in various Indigenous
cultures across the world. Anarchism, in this sense, offers one way to
speak about the rejection of domination emanating from groups,
bureaucracies, technological systems, infrastructural arrangements,
economic imperatives, environmental justice “leaders” (depending on the
context), and coercive authority itself. The claim to follow “the
leadership of oppressed people is in fact manipulation, because not all
oppressed people are going in the same direction,” explains John Severino
(2015):





If we are honest about it, we can reject the false neutralism, the cynical
selflessness of “ally politics,” and recognize that we have to make
choices about who we want to support, who we want to fight alongside, and
these choices will arise from our own subjectivity, our own need to
struggle, our own vision of freedom.





Rooted in self-reflection and anti-authoritarian vision, anarchist action
aims to reject all domination and political control.

Decolonial Theory: Authoritarian versus Anti-authoritarian



Decolonial thought, like anarchism, is in different intensities rooted in
combative practice and struggles for self-determination. Decolonization as
a term is historically associated with Marxist-Leninist and Maoist armed
struggle and Article 1(2) of the 1945 UN Charter asserting the principle of
equal rights and self-determination of peoples. Decolonization in academia
not only revives authoritarian Marxism(s) but also revives a reductionist
and divisive identity politics that panders to university hierarchy and
liberal reformism (see Asher, 2013; Grosfoguel, 2016). While autonomous
Marxism is valuable, and decolonial theory offers important interventions
into the diversification of knowledge, university-based decolonial theory
— often referred to as the “modernity/coloniality-decoloniality”
(MCD) project — exemplifies these criticisms.



Today, “MCD scholars are patrolling theoretical and political borders”
within the university, observes Kiran Asher (2013: 839), noting how
postcolonial scholars — but also European-based scholars — are creating
arbitrary theoretical and identity-based criteria. “[W]hy ignore Spivak
and claim Gandhi?” asks Asher (2013: 839). Bashing Eurocentrism and
Marxian thought — and rightfully so, in many respects — this arbitrary
line is further exemplified by Mignolo (2010: 1) applauding Max Horkheimer
and the Frankfurt School because it “condensed a tradition of Jewish
critical thinkers in Germany during the early years of Hitler’s regime
that, although Marxist in spirit, was entangled with racism and coloniality
in the body.” This divisive border patrolling, Asher (3013: 840)
indicates, arises from a type of “de/postcolonial identity politics and
nationalism within academia.” Cusicanqui (2014: 7) might counter
rightfully that “identity is constructed by living in the present.”
Moreover, as Ramón Grosfoguel (2016: 134–5) reminds us, this academic
policing is compounded with “epistemic extraction” by MCD scholars
appropriating “ideas from thinkers” in struggle “without any
political commitment to social movements or the struggles of Indigenous and
Afro peoples.”



Identity politics create exploitable boundaries and rely on a reductionist
essentialism. Asher (2013: 839) points out how MCD texts “pay scant
attention to heterogeneity and diversity within the [Latin American]
continent.” This includes affirming categories of analysis and avoiding
their different articulations and politics. “[D]ecolonial literature pays
little attention to the fact that culture itself is often contested at the
local level,” explain Iokiñe Rodríguez and Mirna Liz Inturias (2018:
91), who bridge this issue by engaging decolonial theory at the
“intra-communal level.” Raúl Zibechi (2012: 320, 268) criticizes
decolonial scholars’ use of the term “social movements,” instead
offering the concept of “movements” or “societies in movement” to
demonstrate political and cultural differences motivating mobilizations and
uprisings. This issue coincides with the fact that many MCD thinkers are
not anti-state, not only (implicitly) celebrating the colonial
collaboration of Gandhi (cf Dunlap, 2020: 22), but also the presidential
power of Evo Morales because it is “the collective project of state
decolonizing” that has links with grassroots mobilizations (Walsh, 2018:
51).[4] Boaventura de Sousa Santos’ support for Mexican President Andrés
Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), asserting that he “is a man who is not
corrupt” as he spreads highly contested industrial corridors across
Mexico, thus serving as another example of authoritarian applause
(Velázquez, 2019). While there are different developmental logics behind
different Civilizations, these should not act as an excuse for the
organization of domination and ecological catastrophe. Decolonial theory
has statist and authoritarian sympathies, which anarchist decolonization
inherently rejects.



The state, however, is frequently rejected in decolonial literature outside
academia. Anti-authoritarian decolonial tendencies are prevalent outside
the university and within it, arguably, arising from the post-development
school. An anti-authoritarian and anarchistic tension is strong within the
post-development school, where post-development prioritizes affinity over
“identity politics and nationalism within academia” (see Rahnema, 1997;
Kothari et al., 2019). Outside the academy, decolonial writings identify
the state as central to (neo)colonialism or coloniality. Indigenous
anarchists have highlighted the variations and complications with
“Indigenous” as an authoritative label. The works of Aragorn (2005,
2018), Taiaiake Alfred, Rob los Ricos, Zig Zag/Gord Hill, Cante Waste
(2012), Cusicanqui, Klee Benally, Indigenous Action Media (IAM, 2014,
2017), and many others are central to developing Indigenous Anarchism(s)
and anti-authoritarian decolonization. Articulating an Indigenous Egoism,
Cante Waste (2012: 5) criticizes “a simplistic view of self-interest”
and asserts “Individualism as a Tenet of Decolonization” to combat
self-hatred and assimilation and to embody a “Native Pride” that
internalizes “that we matter, to us, and start acting in our
self-interest” against the colonial/statist system. Black Seed: A Journal
of Indigenous Anarchy (2014-present) remains another under-acknowledged
resource for anarchist and anti-authoritarian decolonization. Overall, the
point here is that “your politics matter,” as a Michif-Cere reminds us.
Recognizing the value of anarchism, this person (Anonymous, 2018: 5, 14)
conveys the complications of political struggle in Indigenous territory:





Saying you support Indigenous sovereignty doesn’t mean backing every
Indigenous person on every project. There are plenty of Indigenous
misogynists, and ladder-climbing politicians out there, and you don’t do
me any favors by helping them gain power. Fight for liberatory ideas, not
for nations or bloodlines.



Anarchist Decolonization



The state is an advancement of the colony model — the material
infrastructure of (neo)colonialism (see Dunlap, 2018). “Pick yourself a
point whether it is police, prisons or whether it is militarism or whether
it is environmental devastation,” explains Ward Churchill (2002), “and
the point of confluence is named the state.” The state, for Churchill
(and anarchists), is a “unitary target that encompasses [and intersects
with] the whole,” instrumental to corporate capital, and the “internal
colonization and oppression of native North America is contingent upon the
existence of centralized state structures…north and south of the border,
and elsewhere for that matter!”



Anarchist decolonization recognizes the state as central to facilitating
(neo)colonialism, but also intersecting processes of domination that
manifest in genocide, ecocide, and various forms/intensities of slavery.
Decolonial epistemic deconstruction resonates with (geo)archaeological
inquiries into “statism,” which locate and challenge the
“epistemological ‘fix’” perpetuating self-reinforcing statist
mythology and oppression (Torre and Ince, 2018: 181). Anarchist
decolonization rejects this mythology organized to perpetuate the
world-eating Leviathan, consuming and re-directing human and nonhuman
resources into its cybernetic infrastructure and circuits of capital.



Statist reformism propels socio-ecological destruction. Reforms frequently
organize socio-ecological domination at a lower intensity, meanwhile
allowing a greater quantity of “less” or “friendlier” forms of
socio-ecological degradation. Supporting Álvarez and Coolsaet (2020),
justice must be plural, relational, and based on a praxis of mutual aid,
voluntary association, and direct action. Categorical dimensions of
environmental justice (distributional, recognitional, and procedural) are
progressive impositions channeling forms of rebellion and protest into
statist institutions, and separating the whole into different parts to
permit socio-ecological extraction on more egalitarian terms. In practice,
anarchist decolonization, as Gardenyes (2011: 14–15) reminds us, means
not seeing “revolution as something organized according to a unified
plan,” looking down from above “as if it were a game of Risk.”
Instead, anarchists are stronger by moving “in the network of our own
relationships, to “communicate horizontally or circularly” and devising
the best ways to complement those who are different and following divergent
paths towards socio-ecological liberation (Ibid.). Anarchism offers a
complementary toolbox of ideas and exists outside its Western variations
(See anonymous, 2013, 2014; Rodríguez, 2013, 2020; Maldonado, 2012;
Maxwell and Craib, 2015; Ruiz, 2020). Anarchism, in its pluriverse of
articulations, continues to evade enclosure and conceptual reification to
express an ungovernable force against domination and ecological
destruction.



Anarchist decolonization places autonomous, horizontal, and
“anarchistic” socio-cultural values — in their diversity and
potential — as central to decolonization, which challenges the legacies
of civilizations, re-branding authoritarianism and centralized control
through identity politics. This embodies Álvarez and Coolsaet’s (2020:
57) acknowledgment of the inverse: “those who are marginalized and
racialized are not necessarily free from the risk of coloniality.”
Techno-capitalist progress is the art of capturing “the desires of the
subjugated” (Ibid.). Álvarez and Coolsaet (2020: 60) mention Canadian
oil pipeline development on First Nation land, noting how participatory
strategies “transformed ‘how Indigenous peoples now think and act in
relation to the land’” (see also Dunlap, 2018a). Manipulative
participatory strategies are central to state structures and development,
influencing people and attempting to manage rebellion in favor of
socio-ecological extraction. Equally concerning is the realization that
everyone resisting the state and the onslaught of development,to various
degrees, will become targeted by security forces (see Dunlap, 2020).
Anarchist decolonization recognizes that not only is the location from
which one speaks is important, but also the anti-authoritarian politics and
knowledge people choose to articulate and practice.

Conclusion



This article has sought to introduce the notion of anarchist
decolonization. Briefly reviewing different strands of anarchist thought,
fault lines within decolonial theory, and people identifying with
Indigenous anarchism, this article highlights the affinity between
anarchism and decolonization. Anarchist decolonization is resolutely
anti-state and rejects the myths of capitalist progress, struggling against
forms of domination and embracing various spiritual and ecological
practices. The state, thinking of Patrick Wolfe, is the structure of
conquest that is continuous, variegated, and morphing: infecting its
subjects and articulating decentralized and “bottom-up” governance
strategies. This article seeks to create an explicit opening to advance
decolonial, anarchist, or anarchist decolonial thinking. Creating new
academic labels and analytical categories, it should be recognized, is
itself a double-edged sword. While this might be a useful point of
reference for discussing new ways to understand diverse anti-authoritarian
political practices, it can also make visible what should remain silent,
evasive, and subversive. Anarchist decolonization, like anarchy, should
remain too slippery, chaotic, and amorphous to capture or hold. A fluid
concept, anarchist decolonization seeks to revitalize a spirit rejecting,
grinding, and dancing through circular holds of power and psychosocial
traps of domination, which as always deserve greater experimentation and
elaboration that is both loud and quiet.

Author Note



Alexander Dunlap is a post-doctoral research fellow at the Center for
Development and the Environment (SUM) at the University of Oslo in Norway.
Working across anthropology, geography, and political ecology, his work
critically examines police-military transformations, market-based
conservation, wind energy development, and extractive projects in both
Latin America and Europe.

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[1] Anarchist Decolonization is preferred to “decolonality” because of,
at least in North America, its academic roots and absence in Indigenous
Anarchist texts outside the University.


[2] Because of word count, well-known scholars and journals are only named
within the text. See Simon Springer (2016) for background on classical
anarchist thinkers.


[3] Obviously, there are Marxian varieties, but there are relational
differences.


[4] See, for example, the radical contrast with anarchist perspectives on
Morales voiced and documented by Gustavo Rodríguez (2020).



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