Paul Mattick Sr. (March 13, 1904 – February 7, 1981) was a Marxist political writer and social revolutionary, whose thought can be placed within the council communist and left communist traditions. Throughout his life, Mattick continually criticized Bolshevism, Vladimir Lenin and Leninist organizational methods, describing their political legacy as "serving as a mere ideology to justify the rise of modified capitalist (state-capitalist) systems, which were [...] controlled by way of an authoritarian state". (From: Wikipedia.org.)
Spontaneity and Organisation
The question of organization and spontaneity was approached in the labor movement as a problem of class consciousness, involving the relations of the revolutionary minority to the mass of the capitalistically-indoctrinated proletariat. It was considered unlikely that more than a minority would accept, and, by organizing itself, maintain and apply a revolutionary consciousness. The mass of the workers would act as revolutionaries only by force of circumstances. Lenin accepted this situation optimistically. Others, like Rosa Luxemburg, thought differently about it. In order to realize a party dictatorship, Lenin concerned himself first of all with questions of organization. In order to escape the danger of a new dictatorship over the workers, Rosa Luxemburg stressed spontaneity. Both, however, held that just as under certain conditions the bourgeoisie determined the ideas and activities of the laboring masses, so under different conditions a revolutionary minority could do likewise. At the same time that Lenin saw this as a chance to usher in the socialist society, Rosa Luxemburg feared that any minority, placed in the position of a ruling class, might soon think and act just like the bourgeoisie of old.
Behind these attitudes there was the conviction that the economic development of capitalism would force its proletarian masses into anti- capitalistic activities. Although Lenin counted on, he simultaneously feared, spontaneous movements. He justified the need for conscious interferences in spontaneously-arising revolutions by citing the backwardness of the masses and saw in spontaneity an important destructive but not constructive element. In Lenin’s view, the more forceful the spontaneous movement, the greater would be the need to supplement and direct it with organized, planned party-activity. The workers had to be guarded against themselves, so to speak, or they might defeat their own cause through ignorance, and, by dissipating their powers, open the way for counter-revolution.
Rosa Luxemburg thought differently because she saw the counter-revolution not only lurking in the traditional powers and organizations but capable of developing within the revolutionary movement itself. She hoped that spontaneous movements would delimit the influence of those organizations that aspired to centralize power in their own hands. Although both Luxemburg and Lenin saw the accumulation of capital as a process that spawned crises, Luxemburg conceived the crisis as more catastrophic than did Lenin. The more devastating a crisis, the more embracing would be the expected spontaneous actions, the less the need for conscious direction and centralistic control, and the greater the chance for the proletariat to learn to think and act in ways appropriate to its own needs. Organizations, in Luxemburg’s view, should merely help release the creative forces inherent in mass actions and should integrate themselves in the independent proletarian attempts to organize a new society. This approach presupposed not a clear, comprehending revolutionary consciousness but a highly- developed working class, capable of discovering by its own efforts ways and means of utilizing the productive apparatus and its own capacities for a socialist society.
There was still another approach to the question of organization and spontaneity. Georges Sorel and the syndicalists were not only convinced that the proletariat could emancipate itself without the guidance of the intelligentsia, but that it has to emancipate itself from the middle-class elements that control political organizations. In Sorel’s view, a government of socialists would in no sense alter the social position of the workers. In order to be free, the workers themselves would have to resort to actions and weapons exclusively their own. Capitalism, he thought, had already organized the whole proletariat in its industries. All that was left to do was to suppress the state and property. To accomplish this, the proletariat was not so much in need of a so-called scientific insight into necessary social trends as of a kind of intuitive conviction that revolution and socialism were the inevitable outcome of their own continuous struggles. The strike was seen as the workers’ revolutionary apprenticeship. The growing number of strikes, the extension of strikes, and their increasing duration pointed towards a possible general strike, that is, to the impending social revolution. Each particular strike was a reduced facsimile of the general strike and a preparation for this final upheaval. The growing revolutionary will could not be gauged by the successes of political parties, but by the frequency of strikes and the elan therein displayed. Organization was preparation for direct action and the latter, in turn, formed the character of the organization. The spontaneously-occurring strikes were the organizational forms of revolt and were also part of the social organization of the future in which the producers themselves control their production. The revolution proceeded from action to action in a continuous merging of spontaneous and organizational aspects of the proletarian fight for emancipation.
By stressing spontaneity, labor organizations admitted their own weakness. Since they did not know how to change society, they indulged in the hope that the future would solve the problem. This hope, to be sure, was based on the recognition of some actual trends such as the further development of technology, the continuation of the concentration and centralization processes accompanying capitalistic development, the increase of social frictions, etc. It was nevertheless a mere hope which compensated for the lack of organizational power and the inability to act effectively. Spontaneity had to lend ‘reality’ to their apparently hopeless tasks, to excuse an enforced inactivity and justify consistency.
Strong organizations, on the other hand, were inclined to disregard spontaneity. Their optimism was based on their own successes not on the probability of spontaneous movements coming to their aid at some later date. They advocated either that organized force must be defeated by organized force, or held to the view that the school of practical everyday activity as carried on by party and trade union would lead more and more workers to recognize the inescapable necessity of changing existing social relations. In the steady growth of their own organizations, they saw the development of proletarian class consciousness and at times they dreamed that these organizations would comprise the whole of the working class.
All organizations, however, fit into the general social structure. They have no absolute ‘independence’; in one way or another all are determined by society and help determine society in turn. None of the organizations in capitalism can consistently be anti-capitalistic. ‘Consistency’ refers merely to a limited ideological activity and is the privilege of sects and individuals. To attain social importance, organizations must be opportunistic in order to affect the social processes and to serve their own ends simultaneously.
Apparently opportunism and ‘realism’ are the same thing. The former cannot be defeated by a radical ideology which opposes the whole of the existing social relations. It is not possible to slowly assemble revolutionary forces into powerful organizations ready to act at favorable moments. All attempts in this respect have failed. Only those organizations that did not disturb the prevailing basic social relationships grew to any importance. If they started out with a revolutionary ideology, their growth implied a subsequent discrepancy between their ideology and their functions. Opposed to capitalism, but also organized within it, they’ could not help supporting their opponents. Those organizations not destroyed by competitive adversaries finally succumbed to the forces of capitalism by virtue of their own successful activity.
In the matter of organization this, then is the dilemma of the radical: in order to do something of social significance, actions must be organized. Organized actions, however, turn into capitalistic channels. It seems that in order to do something now, one can do only the wrong thing and in order to avoid false steps, one should undertake none at all. The political mind of the radical is destined to be miserable; it is aware of its utopianism and it experiences nothing but failures. In mere self-defense, the radical stresses spontaneity always, unless he is a mystic, with the secretly-held thought that he is talking nonsense. But his persistence seems to prove that he never ceases to see some sense in the nonsense.
Taking refuge in the idea of spontaneity is indicative of an actual or imagined inability to form effective organizations and a refusal to fight existing organizations in a ‘realistic’ manner. For to fight them successfully would necessitate the formation of counter-organizations, which, by themselves, would defeat the reason for their existence. ‘Spontaneity’ is thus a negative approach to the problem of social change and only in a purely ideological sense may it also be considered positive as it involves a mental divorce from those activities that favor the prevailing society. It sharpens critical faculty and leads to disassociation from futile activities and hopeless organizations. It looks for indications of social disintegration and for the limitations of class control. It results in a sharper distinction between appearance and reality and is, in brief, the trade mark of a revolutionary attitude. Since it is clear that some social forces, relations and organizations tend to disappear and others tend to take hold, those interested in the future, in the new forces in the making, will emphasize spontaneity; those more intimately connected with the old ones will stress the need for organization.
Even a superficial study of organized activity reveals that all important organizations, no matter what their ideology, support the status quo, or, at best, foster a limited development within the general conditions characteristic of a particular society in a particular historical period. The term status quo is helpful in clarifying the concept of rest within the concept of change. It must be regarded as is any theory or practical tool, and it has its uses quite apart from all its philosophical implications. It is clear, of course, that pre-capitalistic conditions, however transformed, are incorporated in capitalistic conditions and that, likewise, post-capitalistic conditions, in one form or another, are appearing within capitalistic conditions. But this refers to general development and though the specific cannot really be divorced from the general, it is continuously separated by the practical activities of men.
Status quo, as here applied to capitalism, means a period of social history in which the workers, within the conditions of a complex social interdependence, are divorced from the means of production and are thereby controlled by a ruling class. The particulars of political control are based on the particulars of economic control. So long as the capital-labor relationship determines social life, so long shall we find society basically ‘unchanged’, no matter how much it may appear to have changed otherwise. Laissez-faire, monopoly or state-capitalism are developmental stages within the status quo. While not denying differences between these stages, we must stress their basic identity and by opposing what they have in common oppose not only one or another but all of them simultaneously.
Development or merely change within the status quo may be ’good’ or ‘bad’ from the time-conditioned point of view of the controlled. An example of the first would be the workers’ successful fight for better living conditions and greater political freedom; of the second, the loss of both with the ascendancy of fascism -- quite apart from the question of whether or not the first is a partial cause of the second. Participation in organizations that foster development within the status quo is often an inescapable necessity. It is therefore of no avail to oppose such organizations with a maximum program realizable only outside the status quo. Nevertheless, before entering or remaining in ‘realistic’ organizations, it is necessary to inquire in what direction changes within the status quo may go and how they may affect the working population.
For a long time now trade unions and political labor parties have ceased to act in accordance with their original radical intentions. ‘Problems of the day’ transformed these movements and led to a situation in which there are no ‘real’ labor organizations despite the numerous pseudo-organizations still at large. Even the socialist wing of the movement conceives of reform not as a transition to socialism but as the means to a better, more agreeable capitalism, despite the fact that its literature often continues to employ socialistic terms. The fight for better living conditions within the market economy, because it was a fight over the price of labor power, transformed the labor movement into a capitalistic movement of laborers. The greater the proletarian pressure, the greater became the capitalistic need to increase the productivity of labor by technological and organizational procedures and by the national and international extension of business activities. Like competition in general, the proletarian struggle, too, served as an instrument for increasing the pace of capital accumulation, for pushing society from one production level to another. Not only the leaders of labor but the rank and file, too, lost their early revolutionary aspirations as the rising productivity of labor accelerated capital expansion and allowed for both higher profits and better wages. Although wages diminished in relation to production, they increased in absolute terms and raised the living standards of great masses of industrial workers in the leading capitalist countries. Profits were augmented and capital formation was further hastened by foreign trade and colonial exploitation. This helped to stabilize the conditions of a rising so-called labor aristocracy. Periodically the process was interrupted by crises and depressions which acted, although blindly, as co-ordinating factors in the capitalistic re-organization process. In the long run, however, the double-barreled support of capital expansion by both working class and capitalistic competition led to a complete fusion of interests between labor organizations and the controllers of capital.
There were, of course, organizations that fought against the integration of the labor movement into the capitalistic structure. They interpreted reform as a step towards revolution and tried to engage in capitalistic activities and at the same time maintain a revolutionary goal. They saw the fusion of capital and labor as a temporary affair, to be suffered or utilized while it lasted. Their half-heartedness in matters of collaboration prevented their attaining organizational significance; and this, in turn, led them to emphasize spontaneity. Left wing socialists and revolutionary syndicalists belong in this category.
Some countries have higher living standards than others, the high wages of some laboring groups imply low wages for others. Equalizing tendencies operating in competitive capitalism with regard to productivity, profit-rates and wage levels, tend to eliminate special interests and particular privileges. Just as the capitalists try to escape this leveling process through monopolization, so organized labor groups try to secure their special positions despite the class-needs of the proletariat as a whole. These special interests are bound to become ‘rational’ interests. By defending their political and economic organizations in order to retain the socio-economic privileges secured through them, the workers defend not only that particular stage of capitalistic development which guarantees their special position but also their nations’ imperialistic policies.
In order to maintain the status quo, basic social relations are more ‘efficiently’ organized and re-organized. Present-day re-organization within the social class structure is totalitarian in character. Ideology, too, becomes totalitarian both as a precondition and as a result of this re-organization. Non-totalitarian organizations turn totalitarian in an attempt to preserve themselves. In totalitarian nations the so-called labor organizations act exclusively on behalf of the ruling classes. They do so in ‘democratic’ countries too, although in a less obvious manner and with a partly different ideology. Apparently there is no way to replace these organizations with new ones of a revolutionary character -- a hopeless situation for those who want to organize the new society within the shell of the old and for those still bent upon ‘improvements’ within the status quo, since all reforms would now require totalitarian means. Bourgeois democracy within the conditions of laissez faire -- that is, the social situation in which labor organizations of the traditional type could form and develop -- either no longer exists or is on the way out. The whole discussion around the question of organization and spontaneity which agitated the old labor movement has now lost its meaning. Both types of organizations, those depending on spontaneity and those trying to master it, are disappearing. Propaganda for new organizations amounts to no more than the hope that they will spontaneously arise. Like the believers in spontaneity, the advocates of organization, too, are now ‘utopians’ in face of the emerging totalitarian reality.
To some, however, the existence of Bolshevik Russia seems to contradict both the statement that the old labor movement has disappeared and the contention that discussion about organization and spontaneity has become meaningless because of altered social conditions. After all, those who stressed organization had their way in Russia and continue to exert their power in the name of socialism. They may regard their success as a verification of their theory and so may also those reformist organizations that became government parties as, for instance, the British Labor Party. They may regard their present position not as a transformation into totalitarian capitalism but as a step towards the socialization of society.
The Labor Government and its supporting organizations merely demonstrate, however, that the old labor movement has been brought to an end by its organizational success. It is quite obvious that the Laborites’ sole concern is in maintaining the status quo. They are, of course, still engaged in re-organizing the political and governmental structure, but the defense of capitalism has become the defense of their own existence. And to defend capitalism means to continue and to accelerate the concentration and centralization of economic and political power camouflaged as the ’nationalization’ of key industries. It involves social changes which both increase and secure the manipulative and controlling powers of capital and government and which integrate the labor movement into a developing network of totalitarian organizations that serve none but the ruling classes.
If organizations such as those that dominate the British labor movement gain political influence and do not use it for revolutionary ends, it is not because their ‘democratic ideology’ forbids them to come to real, as distinct from governmental, power by means other than majority consent. Their own organizations, ’democratic’ only in terminology, are determined by a bureaucracy and closely resemble the capitalistic democratic structure which presupposes the absolute rule of the owners and controllers of capital. Neither do they fear what strength remains in their capitalistic adversaries; their conservatism stems directly from their own organizational interests which are bound up with the pre-totalitarian stage of capitalistic development.
The totalitarian evolution of these organizations is a small-scale repetition of the transformation of the liberal into the authoritarian society. It is a slow and contradictory process and implies an inter-organizational struggle as well as a fight against competing political movements. It takes place at a time when the international extension of the capitalistic concentration process turns monopolistic into nationalistic interests; when the world economy is the monopoly of a few nations or power blocs and the direct control over production and marketing that exists in each advanced nation is being realized on a world-wide scale. Under these conditions, the labor movement is no longer able to support capital expansion solely by fighting for its special group interests. It must become a national movement and must partake in the re-organization of the world economy in accordance with changing power relationships. However, the labor movement, hampered by tradition and having vested interests of its own finds it difficult to turn from a mere supporter of nationalism into a driving force of imperialism. New political movements spring up to exploit this inflexibility and, where it persists, to replace the labor movement by a national-socialist movement.
To be sure, the national-socialist movement is ‘national’ only in order to be imperialistic. Bourgeois ‘internationalism’ that is, the free world market, was a fiction. It was ‘free’ only because it was free from competition against the leading industrial nations and the international trusts. Capital expansion while delimiting competition on the one hand spread competition on the other; old monopolistic positions were destroyed in favor of new monopolistic constellations. If monopolistic interferences in the ‘free’ world market hindered capitalistic expansion, at the same time they forced newly-developing nations, and arising private interests within them, to establish their own competitive monopolistic restrictions in order to secure for themselves a place within the world economy.
The fight to enter the ‘free’ world market, as well as the struggle to keep all newcomers out, hastened general capitalistic development at the price of a growing disproportionality of the economy as a whole. The discrepancy between the total social forces of production thereby released and the privately- and nationally-determined organization of world-production and trade became the wider the more capitalistic progress was made. Unable to arrest the growth of the productive forces because of the competitive situation, re-organizations of the world economy in accordance with the changing distribution of economic power proceeded by way of crises and wars. This led, in turn, to a renewed emphasis on nationalism although all political and economic issues are determined by the capitalistic nature of the world economy. Nationalism is merely the instrument for large-scale competition; it is the ‘internationalism’ of capitalist society.
Proletarian internationalism was based on an acceptance of the fictitious ‘free-trade’ principle of the bourgeoisie. It conceived of international development as a mere quantitative extension of the familiar national development. Just as capitalist enterprise broke through national boundaries, so the labor movement gained an international base without changing its form or activities. The only qualitative change that could be expected in the wake of the quantitative changes was the proletarian revolution, and this because of the idea of the polarization of society: which means that an always smaller number of rulers would face an always growing mass of the ruled. Logically, this process could lead either into absurdity or to the social expropriation of individual expropriators.
If the fight over the price of labor power was regarded as resulting in the steady growth of proletarian class consciousness and the creation of an objective base for socialism, the whole of the capitalist concentration process was also welcomed as a necessary developmental step in the direction of the new society. Large-scale business, cartellisation, trustification, financial control, state-interferences, nationalism, and even imperialism were held to be signposts of the ’ripening’ of capitalist society toward social revolution. If it encouraged the reformists to envision the legally-won control of government as a sufficient requirement for social change, it also made it possible for revolutionaries to hope that even under less ‘ripe’ conditions socialism could be instituted through the capture of governmental powers. The quarrels between socialists and Bolsheviks were over tactical issues and did not affect their basic agreement that capitalism’s ‘last stage’ could be transformed to socialism by governmental actions. If the socialists seemed to wait for ‘progress’ to run its course and hand the government over to them, the Bolsheviks were out to make progress and make it faster.
The Russian defeat in the first world war and the widely-supported need to ‘modernize’ Russia in order to secure her national independence led to the collapse of Czarism and to a revolution that brought the ‘progressive elements’ to power. The more aggressive wing of the socialist movement soon concentrated power into its own hands. To hasten the socialization process, the Bolsheviks forced the population to act in strict accordance with their political program. From their point of view it did not matter whether their decisions were still of a capitalistic character so long as they were in line with the general capitalistic development towards state-capitalism and so long as they increased production and maintained the Bolshevik government which was seen as a guarantee that in the end, despite all inconsistencies, compromises and concessions to capitalistic principles and capitalist powers, a state of socialism could be decreed from above. The point was to keep the government revolutionary, that is, in Bolshevik hands and to preserve its revolutionary character through rigid indoctrination of its members with a basically unchanging ideology. By fostering a fanaticism able to oppose all deviations the Bolsheviks attempted to keep the organizational machine more powerful than all its enemies. Government dictatorship, supported by a dictatorially-directed party and a hierarchical system of privileges, was regarded as the inescapable first step in the actualization of socialism.
Beyond the growth of monopolistic organization, state interferences in the economy and the organizational requirements of modern imperialism a tendency towards totalitarian control operated in all countries, particularly in those suffering under more or less ‘permanent’ crisis conditions. If the capitalist crisis, like its economy, is international, it does not hit all countries equally hard nor in identical ways. There are ‘richer’ and ‘poorer’ countries with regard to material, human and capitalistic resources. Crises and wars lead to a re-shuffling of power positions and to new trends in economic and political development. They may be expressions of power relocations already actualized or of instruments for bringing them about. In either case the capitalistic world finds itself decisively changed and differently organized. New organizational innovations become general, though not necessarily similar, by way of the competitive struggles. In some countries new forms of social control, ushered in by a high capital concentration, may be predominantly of an economic character, in others they will take on political appearance. Actually there may be more advanced centralistic control in the former than in the latter. But if this is the case, it only forces the less centralistically-determined nations to increase their political control capacities. A fascistic regime results from the social struggles that accompany internal difficulties and from the need to compensate, by way of organization, for weaknesses not shared by capitalistically stronger nations. The political authoritarian regime is a substitute for the lack of a ‘freely-’developed centralistic system of decision making.
If totalitarianism is a result of changes within the world economy, it is also responsible for the now world-wide tendency to supplement economic force by political-organizational means. In other words, the development of totalitarianism can be understood only in terms of the capitalist world situation. Bolshevism, Fascism and Nazism are not independent national products but national reactions to changed forms of world competition, just as the trend towards totalitarianism in ‘democratic’ nations is in part a reaction to the pressures for and against imperialistic activities. Of course, only the larger capitalistic countries are independent competitors for world control; numerous smaller nations, already out of the race, merely adapt themselves to the social structure of the dominating powers. Still, modern society’s totalitarian structure developed first not where it was commonly to be expected -- where there was high economic power concentration -- but in the weaker capitalist nations. The western-trained Bolsheviks saw in state-capitalism, the last stage of capitalist development, an entrance to socialism. To reach the entrance by political means necessitated their dictatorship, and to make it effective meant to be totalitarian. The fascist regimes of Germany, Italy and Japan represented attempts through organization to make up for what was lacking in terms of traditional capitalistic strength, to find a short-cut to large-scale competition, since the general economic development prevented them either from increasing or keeping their shares in world exploitation.
Approached from this point of view, the whole capitalist development has been moving toward totalitarianism. The trend became apparent with the beginning of the present century. The media for its realization are crises, wars and revolutions. It restricts itself not to special classes and particular nations, but involves the population of the world. From this point of view, it may also be said that a ’fully-developed’ capitalism would be a world-capitalism, centralistically controlled in totalitarian fashion. If realizable, it would correspond to the socialist and Bolshevik goal of world government, planning the whole of social life. It would correspond also to the limited ‘inter-nationalism’ of capitalists, fascists, socialists and Bolsheviks who envision such partial organizations as Pan-Europe, Pan-Slavism, Latin-Bloc, numbered Internationals, Commonwealth, Monroe-Doctrine, Atlantic Charter, United Nations and so forth, as necessary steps towards world government.
In the light of today, nineteenth century capitalism appears to have been an ‘undeveloped’ capitalism, not fully emancipated from its feudalistic past. Capitalism, challenging not exploitation but only the monopolistic position of a particular form of exploitation, could truly unfold itself ‘within the shell’ of the old society. Its revolutionary actions were aimed at governmental control merely in order to break through feudalism’s restrictive borders and to secure capitalistic liberties. The capitalists were thoroughly occupied with and satisfied by their extension of world trade, their creation of the proletariat and industry and their accumulation of capital. ’Economic freedom’ was their chief concern and as long as the state supported their exploitative social position, the state’s composition and separateness were none of their concern.
The relative independence of the state was not a main characteristic of capitalism, however, but merely an expression of capitalistic growth within incomplete capitalistic conditions. The further development of capitalism implied the capitalization of the state. What the state lost in ‘independence’ it gained in power; what the capitalists lost to the state they regained in increased social control. In time the interests of state and capital became identical, which indicated that the capitalist mode of production and its competitive practice were now generally accepted. State-wide, nationally-organized capitalism made it apparent once more that it had subdued all opposition, that the whole of society, including the labor movement -- and no longer merely the capitalist entrepreneurs -- had become capitalistic. That the capitalization of the labor movement was an accomplished fact was manifest in its increasing interest in the state as the instrument of emancipation. To be ‘revolutionary’ meant escaping the narrow ‘trade union consciousness’ of the period of Manchester-capitalism, fighting for the control of the state and increasing the latter’s importance by extending its powers over ever wider areas of social activity. The merging of state and capital was simultaneously the merging of both with the organized labor movement.
In Russian bolshevism we have the first system in which the merger of capital, labor and the state was accomplished through the political maneuver of the radical wing of the old labor movement. In Lenin’s view, the bourgeoisie itself was no longer able to revolutionize society. The time for a capitalist revolution in the traditional sense had passed. In order to escape colonial status, the imperialistic stage of capitalism forced backward nations to adopt as their developmental starting point what, under laissez-faire conditions, had been considered the possible end of the competitive processes. Backward nations could liberate themselves not by traditional means of capital development but by political struggles in the Bolshevik pattern. Challenging not the capitalist system of exploitation but only its restriction to particular groups of entrepreneurs and financiers, the Bolshevik party usurped control over the means of production through control of the state. There was no need to submit to the historical scheme of money-making and capital-amassing in order to reach social control positions. Exploitation did not depend on laissez-faire conditions but on the control of the means of production. It should be even more profitable and secure with a unified and centralized control system than it had been in the past under the indirect control of the market and with sporadic interventions of the state.
If in Russia the totalitarian initiative came from the radical labor movement, it was because of its close proximity to Western Europe, where similar processes were under way, although they were dealt with in reformist, non-revolutionary fashion. In Japan the initiative was taken by the state and the process took on a different character with the old ruling classes being made the executors of state policies. In Western Europe the capitalization of the old labor movement and its influence on the state had reached such a point, particularly during the war years, that this movement was drained of initiative with regard to social change. It could not overcome social stagnation (caused partly by its own existence and accentuated by the depressive results of the war), without first radically transforming itself. Attempts at bolshevisation failed, however. Unlike the Russian, the Western bourgeoisie possessed a greater flexibility within the ‘progressive’ democratic institutions and operated upon a wider and more integrated social base. It was in Germany, capitalistically the strongest country of all the nations which were defeated in the first world war and neglected by the division of its spoils, in which fascism developed last. But bolshevism had pointed the way to power through party-activity. Totalitarian control by way of the party -- the possibility of party-capitalism -- was demonstrated in Russia. New political parties, partly bourgeois, partly proletarian, operating with nationalistic-imperialistic ideologies and with more or less consistent state-capitalistic programs came into being to face the old organizations as new ‘revolutionary’ forces. With a mass-base of their own, fed by the insoluble crisis, with less respect for legality and traditional procedures and with the support of all the elements that were driving for an imperialistic solution of the crisis conditions, they were able first in Italy and later in Germany to defeat the old organizations. Even in America, the strongest capitalist nation, attempts were made during the Great Depression to secure the state’s newly-won increased authority by the creation of mass-support for government-directed class collaboration policies.
The collapse of the fascist nations in the second world war did not alter the totalitarian trend. Although the independence of the defeated nations is at an end, their authoritarian structure remains. Only those aspects of their totalitarianism that were directly concerned with independent war-making have been destroyed or subordinated to the needs of the victorious powers. Although the seats of control have shifted and new methods have been invoked, there is more authoritarianism in the world today than there was prior to and even during the war. Moreover, ‘victorious’ nations like England and France find themselves in the same position today as the defeated nations after the first world war. It appears that the whole development of Central Europe between the two wars will be repeated in England and France.
Totalitarianism, however, is no longer restricted to the political ambitions of new organizations but is fostered by all active political forces. In order to compete internally against fascist and Bolshevik tendencies, the prevailing organizations must, themselves, adapt totalitarian methods. Because all internal struggles reflect imperialistic rivalries, war-preparations push society still further towards totalitarianism. Because the state controls more and more of the social and economic activities, the defense of private and monopolistic interests requires the strengthening of their own centralistic inclinations. In brief, the social forces that were released in two world wars and that are attempting to find solutions within the status quo, all tend to support and to develop a totalitarian capitalism.
Under these conditions, a revival of the labor movement as it has been known in the past and as it still exists in emasculated form in some countries is clearly out of the question. All successful movements, under whatever name, will try to adhere to authoritarian principles. Whether social control is exercised in the form of state-monopolistic alliances, fascism or party-capitalism the degree of power in the hands of the controllers signifies the end of laissez-faire and the extension of totalitarian capitalism. Of course, it is improbable that capitalism will ever reach an absolute totalitarian form; it had never been a laissez-faire system in the full sense of the term. All that these ‘labels’ designate are the dominant practices within a variety of social practices and differentiations in organization in accordance with the ruling practice. It is clear, however, that the new powers of the state, highly-concentrated capitalism, modern technology, the control of the world economy, the period of imperialistic wars and so forth make necessary for the maintenance of the capitalistic status quo a social organization without opposition, a comprehensive centralistic control of the socially-effective activities of men.
If the end of the old labor movement made the question of organization and spontaneity meaningless, as seen by this movement and dealt with in its controversies, the question may still be meaningful in a wider sense quite apart from the specific problems of working class organizations of the past. Like revolutionary outbursts, crises and wars also have to be considered as spontaneous occurrences. More information exists and greater experience has been accumulated with regard to crises and wars, however, than with regard to revolution.
In capitalism, the ordering of society’s fundamental requirements regarding production and the proportioning of social labor towards the satisfaction of social needs is largely left to the automatism of the market. Monopolistic practices disrupt the mechanism, but even without such interferences this form of socio-economic practice can serve only the peculiar ‘social’ needs of capitalism. The kind of indirect relation between supply and demand established by the market automatism refers to, and is determined by, the profitability of capital and its accumulation. The conscious ’ordering’ aspects of the monopolies, concerned as they are with their own special interests only, increase the irrationality of the system as a whole. Even state-capitalistic planning first of all serves the particular needs and the security of its ruling and privileged groups, not the real needs of society. Because the actions of capitalists are determined by profit requirements and by special, not social interests, the actual results of their decisions may differ from their expectations; the social result of various decisions, individualistically-determined, may disturb social stability and defeat the intentions behind such decisions. Only some, not all, social consequences of individualistic actions are known in advance. Private interests forbid a social organization which could provide a reasonable certainty about the main consequences of its actions. This implies a social development of growing frictions, disproportionalities, postponed re-organizations leading to violent clashes between old and new interests, to crises and depressions which seem to be spontaneous occurrences because of the lack of organization to deal with society from a social, non-class point of view.
There is no possibility within the status quo of organizing social activities in the interests of society as a whole. New organizations are only expressions of shifting class positions and leave the basic class relationship unaffected. Old ruling minorities are replaced by new ruling minorities, the proletarian class is broken up into various status groups, layers of the middle-class disappear, others rise to greater influence. Since all social practical, concrete activity, if it is social at all, is social only in effect and not by design -- by ‘accident’ so to speak -- there exists no force in society whose own continuous growth delimits the social ‘anarchy’ and develops a more complete awareness of social necessities and opportunities, which could lead to social self-determination and to a truly social society. In a way, then, it is the number and variety of organizations in capitalism which prevent the organizing of society. This means that not only must all unco-ordinated and contradictory activities result in expected or unexpected crises, but also that the activities of all people, organized as well as unorganized, are more or less ‘responsible’ for spontaneous outbursts in the form of crisis or war.
There is no way, however, to retrace in all its important details the process that led to crisis or war, and thus explain, after the fact, what particular activities and their arrangements within the developmental processes determined the catastrophe. It is easier, and for capitalistic purposes sufficient, arbitrarily to select a starting point, such as that the war led to crisis and the crisis to war, or less sophisticatedly, to point to Hitler’s idiosyncrasies or to Roosevelt’s hunger for immortality. Wars appear both as spontaneous outbursts and as organized enterprises. The blame for their outbreak is laid at the doorsteps of particular nations, governments, pressure groups, monopolies, cartels and trusts. Yet, to put the entire blame on specific organizations and particular policies for crises and wars means to overlook the real problem here involved and indicates an inability to meet it effectively. To point to the organizational elements involved without stressing their limitations within the ‘anarchic’ total social setting promulgates the illusion that possibly ‘other organizations’ and ’other policies’ could have prevented such social catastrophes even within the status quo. The status quo, however, is only another term for crises and wars.
There was, to be sure, some kind of ‘order’ observable in capitalism and a definite developmental trend based on this ‘order’. It was provided for by the growing productivity of labor. Increased productivity, starting in one or more spheres of production, led to a general modification of the productive level of society and to consequent alterations in all socio-economic relationships. The changes were reflected in altered political relations and led into a changed relationship, less or more contradictory, between the class structure and the productive forces of society.
What are the forces of production. Obviously, labor, technology, and organization; less obviously, class frictions and therefore ideologies. In other words, productive forces are human actions, not something separate that determines human actions. Therefore, a previous line of development need not necessarily be followed. Social situations may be arrested or conditions may be created that destroy what has previously been built. But if the ‘social goal’ were the extension and continuation of a previous developmental tendency, history might indeed be the story of ‘social progress’ through the unfolding of its productive capacities.
That capitalism came into being presupposed a certain growth of the social productive forces, an increase in surplus labor and the capacity to support a growing non-producing class. To speak in terms of ‘growing productive forces’ as the determinant of the total social development was particularly apt under the commodity-fetishism of laissez-faire capitalism, for under its economic individualism it seemed as if ‘productive forces’ developed independently of capitalistic wishes and necessities. The insatiability for accumulation developed with productive forces rapidly and their enhancement allowed for continuous re-organization of the socio-economic structure, and, in turn, the re-organizations acted as new incentives for a further raising of social productivity. It was said that capitalism, historically speaking, had justified itself because of its ‘blind’ but progressive development of the productive forces of society, among which the modern industrial proletariat was considered the greatest.
If it should appear that a full release of society’s productive capacities would make possible the formation and maintenance of a classless society, it is perfectly clear that the immediately privileged classes will not give up their present-day control just because of the probability of a future socialist society. At any rate, on such an issue the owners and controllers of production cannot act as a ’class’; a ‘revolution by consent’ is nonsense. Accumulation for the sake of accumulation continues and leads to further capital and power concentration, that is, to capital destruction, to crises, depressions and wars. For capitalism simultaneously develops and retards the productive forces and widens the gap between actual and potential production. The contradiction between class structure and productive forces excludes the ‘freezing’ of the prevailing level of production as well as its expansion toward a real abundance.
If for no other reason than force of custom it appears probable that the immediate future, like the immediate past, will be characterized by further growth of the productive forces. This implies the sharpening of competition, despite all attempts at partial or complete control of production. Although larger capitalistic units have absorbed numerous smaller enterprises and secured temporary monopolistic conditions for the whole industries and combinations of industries, this process has merely intensified international competition and the struggle between the remaining non-monopolistic enterprises. In state-capitalism competition takes on a different but most all-inclusive form, because of the complete atomization by the terroristic state machine of the mass of the population and in the bureaucracy itself because of the hierarchical structure of its organization.
The application of new technological and organizational forces of production necessitates additional social controls. The disorganization of the proletariat marks the beginning of the process that leads to the total atomization of the whole population and to the state monopoly of organization. At one pole we find all organized force concentrated; at the other pole, an amorphous mass of people unable to combine for a fight in their own interests. In so far as they are organized, the masses are organized by their controllers; in so far as they are able to raise their voices, they speak with their masters’ words. In all organizations, the atomized mass of people face always the same enemy, the totalitarian state.
The atomization of society requires an all-encompassing state organization. The socialists and Bolsheviks considered capitalist society inefficiently organized with regard to production and exchange and in other, extra-economic respects. The emphasis on organization was emphasis on social control. Socialism was to be first of all the rational organization of the whole of society. And an efficiently organized society excludes, of course, unforeseen activities capable of issuing into spontaneous occurrences. The spontaneous element in society was to disappear with the planning of production and the centralistically-determined distribution of goods. Not only the Bolsheviks, but the fascists, too, spoke of spontaneity only so long as their power was not absolute. When all existing social layers submitted to their authority, they became society’s most thorough organizers. And it was precisely this organizing activity that they designated with the term socialism.
The contradiction between class structure and productive forces remains, however, and therewith the inescapability of crisis and war. Although the inactivated masses can no longer resist totalitarianism in traditional organized fashion, and although they have not evolved new weapons and forms of action adequate to the new tasks, the contradictions of the social class structure remain unresolved. While giving temporary security, the terroristic authoritarian system also reflects the increasing insecurity of totalitarian capitalism. The defense of the status quo violates the status quo by releasing new, uncontrolled, or uncontrollable activities. The most powerful controls over men are really weak when compared with the tremendous contradictions that rend the world today. Though all contradictions now oppose one organization, capitalist society was never so badly organized as it is now when it is completely organized.
If there is no guarantee that socialism must necessarily evolve in the course of further social development, neither is there any reason to assume that the world will come to an end in totalitarian barbarism. The organization of the status quo cannot prevent its disintegration. As there is no absolute totalitarianism, openings for attack remain within its structure. The real social significance of its noticeable weaknesses is still obscure. Some points of disintegration, although theoretically conceivable, are still unobservable and can be described only in very general terms. Just as the modern class-struggle theory required for its formulation not only the capitalistic development but also the actual proletarian struggles within the capitalist system, so it is probably necessary first to observe actual attempts at revolt under totalitarianism in order to be able to formulate specific plans of action, to point to effective forms of resistance, and to find and exploit the weaknesses of the totalitarian system.
The apparent hopelessness and insignificance characteristic of all beginnings is no reason for despair. Neither pessimism nor optimism touch the real problem of social actions. Both attitudes do not decisively affect the individual’s actions and reactions, determined as they are by social forces beyond his control. The interdependence of all social activity, while being a medium of control, also sets limits to all controlling activities. The labor process, in both its organizational and technological aspects, depending as it does simultaneously upon anonymous forces and direct decisions, possesses enough relative independence through its changeability to make centralistic manipulations difficult. The totalitarian manipulators cannot free themselves of specific forms of the division of labor which often delimit the powers of centralistic control. They cannot defy definite degrees of industrialization without endangering their own rule.
Resistance will thus be exercised in manifold forms, some meaningless, some self-defeating, and others effective. While some present-day forms of action may be disregarded, older forms may be revived because of certain outward similarities in the totalitarian structure with former authoritarian regimes. If trade union policy no longer implies action ‘on the point of production’ but manipulations between governmental bodies, effective new ways of sabotage and struggle may be found in industry and in production generally. If political parties express the trend towards totalitarianism, a variety of organizational forms is still conceivable for assembling anti-capitalistic forces for concerted actions. If such actions are to be adapted to totalitarian reality as attempts to overcome that reality, stress must be laid upon self-determination, agreement, freedom and solidarity.
The search for ways and means to end totalitarian capitalism, to bring self determination to the hitherto powerless, to end competitive struggles, exploitation and wars, to develop a rationality which does not set individuals against society but recognizes their actual entity in social production and distribution and allows for human progress without social struggles, will go on in the empirical, scientific manner dictated by seriousness. It seems clear, however, that for some time to come the results of all types of resistance and struggle will be described as spontaneous occurrences, though they are nothing but the planned actions or accepted inactivities of men. Spontaneity is a manner of speech, attesting to our inability to treat the social phenomena of capitalism in a scientific, empirical way. Social changes appear as climactic outbursts of periods of capital formation, disorganization, competitive frictions and long-accumulated social grievances that finally find their organizational expression. Their spontaneity merely demonstrates the unsociality of capitalism’s social organization. The contrast between organization and spontaneity will exist as long as there exists a class society and attempts to end it.
From : Marxists.org
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