Anarchism : Anarchist and Anti-Authoritarianism

Total Anarchist Works : 8405

Want to know about Anarchism as a theory and a movement throughout history and up to the present? Then you've found the right place.

Whether it is Collectivist Anarchism or Individualist Anarchism, Mutualist Anarchism or Communist Anarchism, every type is given its bit of room for expression here.

This archive contains 14,658 texts, with 63,380,096 words or 396,102,617 characters.

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The Sash, Hector MacMillan, by Stuart Christie
In Glasgow’s Pavilion Theater you would not expect to see a play like THE SASH MY FATHER WORE by Hector MacMillan. Folks go there to see pantomime more than biting satires. And one has to admire the courage of the actors who can get up in Glasgow and tear into their lines that strip the Orange and Papist legends down to their pubic hair. It’s about a stalwart Orangeman who finds to his dismay his long haired son is falling away from the faith of his fathers and the bits of realization start coming out … only fourteen miles from Scotland to Ireland… “Christ it’s three times that f’Glasgow t’Edinburgh” and did you know “King William there ‘of blessed memory’ … that’s the man who wis responsible for the massacre of Glencoe … your folk, the Macdonalds! that lousy bastart signed the order they were aw t’be exterminated … it wis supposed to be a great Prodisant victory at the Battl... (From :

The Angry Brigade, Alan Burns, by Stuart Christie
It is becoming increasingly fashionable these days for academics and professional writers and historians to illustrate their theses with the assistance of the tape-recorded mumblings of the inarticulate to support their unsubstantiated class-prejudices. This book is described by its publishers as “a deft combination of serious in-depth research and imaginative reconstruction”, but not one word of fact emerges from it. (We subsequently learned that the “in-depth research” and information came from a fringe theater group). The author’s “imaginative reconstruction” consists of one specific reference to the blowing-up of the Post Office Tower which, incidentally, was omitted from the police charges which led up the trial of the “Stoke Newington Eight”. In another incident a character, who for some reason is “known to be involved with the Special Branch” and therefore presumably interested in maintaining his cover at tha... (From :

Stuart Christie Interviewed for Black Flag in 2010, by Stuart Christie
Four decades on from its first issue, Black Flag is one of the few remaining publications from that time. So it is a great pleasure to be able to interview its founding editor, or at least the surviving half of that editorship, Albert Meltzer having died in 1996, as we enter the next ten years of struggle. When Black Flag was launched did you expect it to still be going 40 years later? Didn’t really think about it actually, our only concern was to get the next issue out and doing the other things we were doing. Would you care to talk a little about the founding of Black Flag? When I came out of prison in Spain one of my concerns was the lack of a pro-prisoners defense group, to which Albert suggested we relaunch the long-defunct Anarchist Black Cross, which we did. The result was Black Flag, which was subtitled “the organ of the Anarchist Black Cross.” We made an announcem... (From :

Soldiers Of The Night: The Story of the French Resistance by David Schoenbrun [Review], by Stuart Christie
Written by an American intelligence agent (Psychological Warfare Branch), this is the first reasonably satisfying account to date, in English, of the French Resistance. David Schoenbrun has an obvious affinity for those whose activities he describes, and his profession as a spy proves both useful and illuminating as he guides us through the murky labyrinthine world of political and military intrigue in London, Washington and Casablanca as well as Occupied and Vichy France. But it was not the Generals who fled to London or North Africa, nor the adventurers of the OSS or the SE who constituted the French Resistance, as this book clearly shows. It was the ordinary men and women from all walks of life and varying political persuasions. They were soldiers without uniforms or proper arms who lived in the shadows as soldiers of the night and who courageously defied the might of the German military machine and their fascist Vichy collaborators. The Resistance was individua... (From :

Remembering Miguel Garcia, by Stuart Christie
My first meeting with Miguel García García took place in the mid-1960s in la primera galleria of Madrid’s Carabanchel Prison. He was in transit to another penitentiary and was in what was known as ‘periodo’ – a fortnight of sanitary isolation, ostensibly to prevent or limit the spread of disease. I was the practice nurse (practicante) for the 7th Gallery, a position that gave me the run of most of the prison and allowed me to liaise with comrades in different wings, especially with isolated transit prisoners or prisoners in solitary confinement. Miguel passed through Carabanchel on a number of occasions over the years, going backwards and forwards between penitentiaries and Yeserias, Spain’s main prison hospital in Madrid. Miguel and I struck up a close relationship, one that was to endure for a decade and a half until his death in 1981. What particularly impressed me about him on our first meeting was his und... (From :

Blasts from the Past

November 30, 1922 Source: Published in Toward the United Front: Proceedings of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International, 1922 (, pp. 935-937 Translation: Translation by John Riddell HTML Markup: David Walters for the Marxists Internet Archive, 2018 Copyright: John Riddell, 2017. Republished here with permission. I have asked for the floor in order to speak on Comrade Eberlein’s report on reorganizing the Executive Committee of the International. In the commission, I said that this involved a reorganization not just of the Executive Committee but of the entire International. There are important questions at stake here, involving a de facto revision of the International’s statutes with regard to all relationships between the sections and the center and the entire organizational work of the International. I proposed that it was... (From :

The new government in power in France led by Chirac and Juppe decided that the time was ripe to institute massive attacks on welfare benefits, the transport system and jobs and conditions. Their precipitate attack after just barely 6 months in power was sparked by their need to prepare for European Monetary Union-single currency — by the end of 1997. There was a massive budget deficit of 63 billion francs, which Juppe wanted to cut by 10%. At the same time he wanted to halve the huge social security debt. This was in the context of a sluggish economy, where the magic phrase “economic recovery” was a nonstarter. The tightness of the time scale in which to accomplish these cuts, plus a gross underestimation of the combativity of French workers, which the new regime felt had been thoroughly demoralized and demobilized by years of Socialist government , made the Chirac-Juppe administration make a full frontal attack. This should be compared to the attacks on the Brit... (From :

If your only exposure to labor issues is through the torn and tattered pages of a greasy tabloid, you might be forgiven if you believe the TUC actually encourages workplace militancy. Full of contributions from beleaguered CEOs, scare-mongering columnists, condescending politicians and even tough-talking officials, you might even believe trade unions are an irrepressible engine of class struggle. For those us in trade unions, we know reality paints a far different picture. Far from encouraging and even organizing industrial action, more often than not, trade unions leave militants feeling sold out, disempowered and sidelined. Take striking for example. First, it's a struggle to get a ballot. When the ballot is secured, it passes, but the union does nothing to effectively prepare for what amounts to nothing more than a symbolic one-day strike. In fact, other unions in the same workplace send out notices instructing their members to work on the day of the strike. At the last... (From :

I Black flags in the wind stained with blood and sun Black flags in the sun howling of glory in the wind We need to return to the origins. To drink at the ancient fountains. We need to return to heroic anarchism, to individual, violent, reckless, poetic, decentering audacity... And we need to return with every bit of our modern instinct, every bit of our new conception of life and beauty, every bit of our healthy and lucid pessimism, which is not renunciation or powerlessness, but a thriving flower of exuberant life. We are the true nihilists of reality and the spiritual builders of ideal worlds We are destructive philosophers and creative poets. We walk in the night with a sun in our mind and with two huge golden stars in our blazing eyes We walk... II Several years ago, all the earth... (From :

1963 ~ Self-Government and the Citizen-State
[The State] is itself, if I may put it this way, a sort of citizen…” —Pierre-Joseph Proudhon For more than a hundred years, anti-statism has been a key principle of anarchism. But this was not always the case. A search of English- and French-language sources suggests that for much of the nineteenth century, the term “statism” (or “étatisme”) did not have its present meaning. In the political realm, it simply meant “statesmanship.” As late as the 1870s, the American anarchist Stephen Pearl Andrews used the term to mean “a tendency to immobility,” without apparent fear of confusion, and the American Dental Association considering adopting Andrews’ coinage, apparently without fear of entering political territory. Anarchism emerged as a political philosophy in the first half of the nineteenth century, when much of the modern political lexico... (From :

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