Source: pamphlet published by the United Workers Party, 1604 N. California Ave, Chicago, Ill. (libcom.org).
Transcribed: by Thomas Schmidt;
In a period of world-wide crisis constantly deepening; during a
process of general and absolute pauperization of the working-class
through-out the world; in the face of the imperialistic tendencies towards
a new world scale butchery; with the sight of the march of fascism
covering the globe before us; in spite of the temporary triumph of the
capitalist forces on the grave of a once powerful international labor
movement, after the most serious defeat of international Communism, the
UNITED WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA presents this small pamphlet to all
serious revolutionists, to help them and us to better understand our
real situation, and to clear up to some extend the present ideological
confusion in which the working class finds itself.
The dialectic movement of the world makes every problem an historical
problem. It also changes in its course the role of organizations and
ideas. What once was revolutionary becomes with general development,
reactionary. Organizations, tactics and ideologies that were once the
expression of progressive development of the proletarian struggle
against capitalism, in time and in the course of that struggle become
obstacles in the path of further development. What was once
revolutionary, in spite of the fact that it is has now become
reactionary, lives on as a Tradition in its original content and form,
and hinders the development of the new and the real revolutionary
forces. This is why it is necessary that the weapon of criticism becomes
the criticism of the weapons.
The Party and its Program is but the expression of the role that
revolutionary consciousness plays in history. It is a part of history,
not history itself. A Program alone is of no value unless it is followed
up by action on the part of the working class. If it is practical, if it
is realistic, then it becomes a force which in combination with the
revolutionary forces created by the objective conditions brought about
by capitalist development itself, may be able to shorten the
birth-throes of the new society.
It is our opinion that we are not at the end but at the beginning of
the general crisis of world capitalism; and parallel to this objective
situation, we are not at the end but at the beginning of a real
revolutionary labor movement, which must and will develop on an entirely
new principle and tactical basis. Beginnings are always difficult and
every revolutionary voice is first a voice in the desert, but we are
convinced that sooner or later reality itself will move toward the
advanced thought and what seems today still an abstraction will become
the actual practice of the fighting proletariat. Traditions must be
broken down to bring about unity between theory and practice. Revolution
is only possible when this unity becomes an actuality. The
purpose of this pamphlet is to help the revolutionary movement come
closer to this situation.
THE UNITED WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA.
World Wide Fascism or World Revolution?
THE PERIOD of GENERAL CRISIS for CAPITALISM.
Five years of crisis on a world-wide scale have passed. All
tendencies are pointing to a further deepening of the international
crisis. Industrial world production is below the scale of 1914 and is
decreasing. The unemployed army, although it has already one-half of the
industrial world proletariat in its ranks, increases still further. The
economic-political chaos forces everything in its deadly downward trend.
The theories of the economists of the ruling class become more
ridiculous, and the illusions of the petite-bourgeoisie change to a
deadly fear. From an advancing element, Capitalism has become a
restricting one. Its movement toward collapse is a situation of
catastrophes which bring to the human race increasing misery and
suffering on a larger scale than in any previous crisis.
Traditions hinder the workers from grasping the
fact that the present depression cannot be overcome within the
capitalistic boundaries. The hope which the ruling-class has planted in
the heads of the workers, that a new boom-period will come, has not
vanished although it is becoming ever more difficult to defend
the system as illustrated by its daily practice. Capitalism has
surpassed many crisis and depressions during its development. Each of
these crises was but a step for further progressive development which
made the basis for a new crisis on a higher plane; but each depression
period was followed by an upswing, a boom. All other depressions were
overcome, so why not this one also? The world-wide extent and the depth
of the present crisis may explain its intensity and its length, but it
cannot prove the permanency of its character.
It is necessary that the working-class should understand that the
present crisis is permanent for capitalism. The analysis of the present
situation must take into consideration the fact that we are living in a
new historical period; a period of positive decline for the capitalist
order. On the position that the labor movement takes in relation to the
crisis and the final collapse of capitalism, will the real character of
the movement be shown. If it fails to explain, on the basis of the laws
of motion of present society, the tendencies of the present system, then
it will fail in its task.
The Historic Extent of Capitalistic Development.
The capitalist process of reproduction repeats itself, not in the
form of circle, but as a spiral narrowing to a point. Capitalist
production must, due to its inherent contradictions, lead to its own
negation; but only the accumulation of these contradictions can
transform them into something different; into revolution.
According to Marx, the development of the productive forces of
society is the motive power of historical development. When the
productive forces increase, then productive relations also must change
so as not to become contradictory to this development. Capitalism as an
economic system had the historical mission of developing the productive
forces of society to a much greater extent than was possible under any
previous system. The race for profit under capitalism is the motive
force in the development of the productive forces. For this reason then,
this process of development can continue only as long as it is
profitable. There is no economic collapse as long as the profit made,
satisfies the wants of a progressive accumulation. When accumulation can
no longer be resumed, as in the present crisis, then capitalism has
reached its historic extent. It then goes into the stage of decline. It
is only in this period that a REAL revolutionary movement of the workers
Marx always considers the economic laws of motion from two points of
view; first, as “a process of natural history”; second, in
its specific, social, historical forms. The development of productive
forces went on in every social system; a process consisting in an ever
increasing productivity of labor, due to better working tools and
methods. The productive process has in a capitalistic system besides its
natural, general content, which it shares will all other economic
system, also the form of being a process producing values and surplus
value. Due to that feature, capitalism has been able to accelerate the
development of the productive forces so tremendously. The productive
forces are not only machines, raw materials and labor power, but also
capital. Their development means the expanding of production and
reproduction of capital, and this is only possible when surplus value or
profit is the result of the production process. By analysis of the
process of producing surplus value, Marx finds the tendency of a
conflict between the material productive forces and their capitalistic
integument. When insufficient surplus value results from production,
there is no possibility of continuing the development of the productive
forces. The capitalistic forms must then burst asunder to make place for
a higher, more advanced, economic and social system.
The Accumulation Process of Capitalism.
The general progressive development of man-kind is expressed in all
forms of societies by the development of the means and methods of
production. This results in an increase in the productivity of labor, of
the mass of products by a decrease in the actual exercised labor-power.
In Capitalism this expresses itself by more and more capital being
invested in means of production and less and less for labor. It is true
of course that when Capitalism is on the upswing, then as there is
invested more and more capital in the means of production, the amount of
capital invested in labor-power increases also, but slower than the
first. On a high spot of the capitalistic development the number of
workers employed in relation to the total capital does not only decrease
relatively but also absolutely. Since the exploitation of workers is the
only source of profits this already indicates that the profits of the
capitalist must decrease with an increasing accumulation.
The increase of the organic composition of capital is accompanied by
a falling rate of profit. This falling rate of profit alone is of no
danger to capitalism as long as it has the possibility of accumulating
faster than the rate of profit sinks. This is made possible by an
increase in exploitation as well as with the expansion of the fields of
capitalistic production. But even if the increase in the mass of profit
compensates for the fall in the rate of profit, or even exceeds the
later, the mass of profit grows slower than the amount of profit which
is needed to satisfy the ever increasing needs of accumulation. The fall
in rate of profit is an index to the relative fall in the mass of profit
which in a higher stage of accumulation becomes an absolute fall.
If accumulation is to continue, more and more of the surplus-value
produced by the workers must be used for the development of the
productive apparatus; decreasing by this, the parts intended for
additional labor and for the consumption of the capitalists. Eventually
this process has to come close to a point where all of the surplus-value
is needed if a sufficient accumulation should be made possible. At this
point the capitalist are forced to increase the exploitation of the
workers tremendously so as to make possible some profit to compensate
for this development. The class struggle sharpens. If the amount of
surplus-value produced should not be sufficient for the needs of the
accumulation process, despite the most intense exploitation, then the
process of accumulation stops and Crisis results.
A standstill in the accumulation process leads to a general crisis
affecting all spheres of production. The capital which is too small to
be profitably reinvested now becomes in actuality a surplus of capital.
The growth of Capital has been faster than growth of possibilities for
profitable expansion. Over-accumulation is the result; which means on
the one hand a surplus of capital which cannot be reinvested in
profitable production and on the other a vast army of unemployed who can
no longer find jobs. Only with the possibility of profit can the process
of accumulation be resumed; if this possibility is excluded, then the
crisis of necessity becomes permanent in character. A permanent crisis
means for Capitalism, collapse.
The Collapse of Capitalism and its Counter-tendencies.
Marx’s theory of accumulation is the law of capitalist
collapse. The tendency of collapse is expressed in the crisis and is
overcome in the crisis. If crisis are an expression of collapse, then
the final collapse is nothing but a crisis unhampered by
Counter-tendencies are in the main, try-outs to reestablish
expansion of capital on a profitable basis by reorganizing of the total
mechanism of production and distribution. In all previous crisis the
success of these counteracting tendencies changed the depression to a
new boom period. Rationalization generally, lowering of production
costs, lowering of wages, lowering the income of the capitalist middle
class, capital depreciations, writing off of capital, devaluation of
capital, securing extra surplus-value by imperialistic expansion,
imperialistic movements to get cheaper raw materials, improving the
relation to markets domestically and on the world market, and many other
factors act as tendencies to aid Capitalism overcome crisis.
The tendencies against the collapse of Capitalism however, are like
everything else, also of an historical nature. In the course of
development they lose their power or are overcome entirely. At a certain
point in capitalistic development intensifying the productivity of labor
does not increase but decreases profits. The pauperization of the
working-class has its absolute limits. Capitalist expansion on
a world-scale reaches its limits before it reaches the natural borders
of the world. There is an absolute limit to which capitalist production
can be expanded and developed. The tendencies which have successfully
operated to help Capitalism out of previous crisis have failed in the
present depression. They no longer exist as countertendencies
or they are too weak in relation to the depth of the present crisis of
The conclusion that this crisis is permanent and that we are in the
dying stage of the Capitalist system depends on the analysis of the
counteracting tendencies. If there are any possibilities for restoring
profits, further accumulation, further expansion, then these must be
Monopoly Capitalism and the Vanishing Counter-tendencies.
Monopoly Capital in a depression, restricts production by closing
some of its enterprises. If a larger demand sets in, it satisfies this
by reopening the necessary plants or factories. The big reserve of
productive capacities in Monopoly Capitalism does not necessitate new
and big investments for fixed capital. In this sense it restricts also
technical progress. At a higher stage it restricts the development of
the markets for means of production instead of developing them.
The possibility of a technical revolution which would lead to the
moral depreciation of large masses of capital can no longer be expected
because the restriction of the productive power has become a “life
necessity” for monopoly capitalism. This is true even though it
indicates a process of collapse for the system. Capitalism now lives by
In previous crisis the devaluation of capital has been an important
factor toward recovery. It has lowered the organic composition of
capital and by this made the total capital smaller so that profits
became relatively higher. In previous crisis too, after the mass
bankruptcies had forced out great numbers of capitalist enterprises, the
ones who survived were forced by competition in a period of dropping
prices to lower their production costs. New and bigger machines which
could operate at a profit at the new lower price level were needed. The
demand for new fixed capital increased and this demand carried with it
other industries into a new boom. In the present crisis however the
large amount of bankruptcies did not have a similar effect.
How little a forced devaluation of capital in monopoly capitalism
means becomes clear if we confront the production of monopoly capital in
relation to the total social production. There are industries where 90%
of the total social production is done by monopoly capital. This is
especially true in the U. S. Almost the half of the total social
production on an international scale, in the most important branches of
production, is done by monopoly capital What result could bankruptcies
of small enterprises have under this condition? The present depression
has demonstrated that this counter-tendency, devaluation of capital, is
Rationalization still may enrich an individual capitalist and in some
instances solve their individual problems; but for society as a whole,
the rationalization process in monopoly capitalism tends to make society
poorer. It may still bring about a saving in wages and decrease the
production costs but all that is saved is eaten up by nonproductive
expenses coming form the idle capital in the form of closed enterprises
and by the further restriction of the market possibilities as a
result of the process itself. In the later stage of accumulation it
becomes a failing rationalization; it no longer serves as a medium to
overcome the crisis but tends to deepen the depression.
The export of capital, which in Imperialism is one of the most
powerful means for capitalist upswing and a most important factor for
overcoming crisis, has decreased to almost nothing on an international
scale. Imperialist competition for foreign markets became ever more
sharp as a consequence. The tendencies toward war on a world proportion
continues as a constant menace.
The present crisis is distinguished from all previous ones by the
fact that the counteracting tendencies are either not present or are too
weak to operate successfully and restore profits to a point where
further expansion is possible, where idle capital can be put to work and
the process of capital accumulation again be resumed.
Capitalism In Its Death-crisis.
The decrease in the total surplus value intensifies the struggle
between the different capitalist groups for their portion of the surplus
value. The political maneuvers of the different interests mirror this
economic situation. The severity of the present crisis for example,
makes it impossible for industrial capital to pay obligations to bank
capital or to even pay the interests on this money. Industrial
bankruptcies are followed by bankruptcies of banking capital. Inflation
and similar measures are taken to liquidate these debts and the cost of
this liquidation is foisted onto bank capital, the middle classes and
the working class.
In its struggle to increase its available profits capitalism is
forced to make heavy onslaughts against the petite-bourgeoisie to
eliminate as much of the profit consuming middle stratas as possible.
The growth of the middle class goes slower then the process of their
proletarianization. The total elimination of the middle class however is
impossible in capitalism because in order to assure its own existence
capitalism needs the middle class.
With the death crisis of monopoly capitalism the chronic agrarian
crisis deepens. The disproportion between the industrial prices and the
prices of the agrarian products has forces the farmers in many
countries of the world into open rebellion. Reluctantly capitalism is
compelled to make concessions to the agrarian population in the
form of tariff reforms, loans and credit by the state,
stabilizing of prices, direct relief in exchange for a decrease in
production, etc. These concessions however are usually made at the
expense of the workers.
The process of pauperization of the working class develops
concomitant with the development of Capitalism. On the upswing
of capitalism it acts as a relative pauperization but in the death
crisis this changes to absolute pauperization. Wage cuts and general
worsening of the conditions of the proletariat results in mass
misery. To prevent social unrest the capitalists are forced to dispense
relief. They are also forced to strengthen their “power of
coercion” the repressive power of the state to prevent
uprisings. The maintenance of the state becomes more and more expensive.
In contradiction to the necessity of increasing profits for Capitalism,
there is a decrease in available profits and with it an increase in the
cost for unproductive things.
As the crisis deepens the possibilities for even partial recovery
diminish and capitalistic collapse as a tendency becomes more and more
active. Political collapse as a tendency follows but here are also
counter-tendencies which must be considered.
TENDENCIES TOWARDS “STATE CAPITALISM” and “A
The hope that capitalism will overcome its present crisis,
presupposes the other hope that it is possible to develop a
higher economical form than monopoly capitalism. This hope is
impossible within the framework of private property. “State
Capitalism” is in an economic sense not a higher from
than monopoly capitalism, but only a new face for the latter.
It is a political measure to counteract the political dangers
accompanying the class-shiftings in the last phase of capitalism. The
political basis of the ruling class becomes too small at this stage, and
it has to engage state power in the interest of monopoly capitalism more
The shortage of profits and the impossibility of overcoming the
depression, leads to intensification of the struggle for the division of
surplus value. The social-political relations in capitalism become very
unstable. The struggle between financial, industrial and agrarian
interests intensifies the fight for the control of government. This
struggle is but a political reflex of the deepening world-crisis. In
spite of many possible modifications, the strongest capitalist group,
Monopoly Capital, will finally control the situations.
The Struggle of the Middle Strata.
The middle class which lives directly or indirectly on
surplus-value, have no economic or political common cause with the
proletariat, although they often try to engage the workers for their
special cause. Their hope and their struggle is to promote themselves
from their petite position into the position of a real bourgeois. This
is only possible when capitalism functions; and chances are better when
it functions well. The actual pauperization of the middle class as a
rule does not at first change their attitude against the working-class,
but only sharpens their struggle to escape a proletarian status. They
become, not less, but more, capitalistically inclined. As long as their
hopes can be retained, they remain the allies of the ruling class, and
with them, the strongest force against proletarian revolution.
The Agrarian Interests.
The farmers generally, with the exception of those whom by the
industrialization of their farm enterprises already regard themselves as
capitalists, have different interests from the industrial and financial
capitalists. Development is partially based on the destruction of the
old style farm. It is to the interests of capital to hold the profits of
the farmers as small as possible, to assure themselves bigger profits.
To cut wages in industry, it is necessary to have cheap prices for farm
products. The technical backwardness of the agrarian production has
allowed the farmers certain privileges as their profits were not
in-calculated in the average rate of profit. The elimination of the
farmers profit, means the easing of the burden of the depression for the
capitalist. By the use of more and more fixed capital in agriculture,
this privilege of the farmers is being eliminated, but before the whole
of agriculture is really industrialized, it has still a long way to go.
In the meantime, the struggle between the farmer and the capitalist will
never cease, and this struggle is only another expression of the growing
socialization of labor. The increasing specialization of agrarian
production enables capital also move and more to control prices and
profits of the farmers.
The farmer does not fight against Capitalism, but for their
“interests” inside of Capitalism. The farmers defend their
private property which is endangered by the expropriation process of
monopoly capital. The struggle will continue as long as capitalism
lasts. In the struggle one part of the farmers will be played against
the other part.
A situation of energetic struggle for existence results, each
striving to avoid elimination. The farmers become more radical and also
more rebellious, but in a reactionary sense. The struggle of the farmers
for their private property does not bring them closer to the workers,
but makes them more of an enemy of the working-class.
The policy of the farm movement sometimes looks very friendly to the
workers hoping for their support. Actually they are interested in high
wages for the industrial workers, because they are interested in high
prices for their products which goes into the consumption of the
industrial working class. This attitude, however, changes at once into a
bitter fight against the working class when it becomes a question of
communism or capitalism. Communism is no solution for the farmers, as
communism expropriates their private property and makes it social
property. In communism this is a radical act. The expropriation process
which goes on in monopoly capitalism is a gradual one and involves only
a small fraction of the farmers at a time.
The fronts of the class struggle in monopoly capitalism become
clearer than they ever were before. On the one side, they have something
to lose, even if this may only be their hopes; but on the other
side, they have nothing to lose, not even hopes.
In the upswing of capitalism, the concentration and centralization
process expressed itself in the continuation of accumulation of the
total capital. Now in the decline period of capitalism, this same
process is carried on only by the elimination of the weaker capitalists,
and by the restriction of and the lowering of the living standards of
the middle class and farmers, and the general and absolute pauperization
of the workers. The tendency toward State Capitalism is the
political expression of this process in the stagnation period of
monopoly capitalism. Economic concentration necessitates also more
political concentration into the hands of the ruling capitalist
“State Capitalism” can only be realized as a tendency. It
can never be completed. This is another proof for the fact that monopoly
capitalism has become a fetter to the social development of
productivity. It proves also the permanent character of the present
The Tendencies toward a “Planned Economy.”
The tendencies of “State Capitalism” are closely related
to the capitalist tendencies towards a more “planned
economy.” Attempts are made to copy the Russian example,
disregarding the difference in the economic development in the various
countries. This is especially true of fascist nations and those who are
leaning toward fascism. An intensive propaganda for planned economy
which will do away with disproportion in the different fields of
production, eliminate competition, regulate wages, labor time, and
prices of commodities by the state, is carried on. Even the control of
profits is taken into consideration.
Capitalist “planned economy” is an impossibility because
the system can only develop and function as long as it is anarchistic.
Under capital relation a planned economy would presuppose a static
capitalism and a stationary capitalism means a permanent crisis. Even if
these theories of planned economy were applied they would be done away
with at once as a new boom would set in. A new boom period is only
possible with accumulation being resumed. This means impetus to
capitalist production not restriction, it means increase not decrease in
The experiments in “planned economy” tried in the U. S.,
Italy, and Germany have proofed that this process is only supposed to
serve the interests of monopoly capital. They take the form of, forced
trustification, organizing of cartels, state credits, wage agreements on
the basis of spread the general misery, exploitation of cheap labor of
the unemployed, lowering the cost of unemployed relief, etc. All of
these things help; none of them hurt the interests of Capitalism, but
they do not solve the crisis.
The New Deal.
The New Deal program of the Roosevelt regime was nothing other than
the new conception of the monopoly movement of American capital in the
permanent crisis. Its only value for capitalism as a whole was the
strengthening of the capitalistic ideology. The means to accomplish this
were very simple ones. Roosevelt borrowed from the American Labor
Movement, which is still following the conceptions of liberalism, the
slogans of reforms. These slogans and ideas were formulated to solve the
disproportion in the different fields of production; to do away with
unfair competition; to promote higher wages(?); a shorter work day;
higher prices.; a better banking system and other phrases that at times
became even sensational.
In contrast to the slogans and propaganda of the New Deal, its
practice was entirely different. Every one of its attempts failed. Every
one of these ideas proved bankrupt. No recovery was attained. No
expansion of production set in; industrial credits did not increase and
the unemployment figures were not affected. The farm projects remained
only as demonstrations of the insanity of the system by its destruction
of farm products and its restrictions of production; but in no way did
this lift the burden of the farmer. The elimination of “unfair
competition” was only directed against the competing sweat-shops
of small capitalists, and at that was a means for the further
concentration of capital which led to a deepening of the general crisis.
The result of shortening the work-day was negated by further
rationalization, and did not effect the unemployed situation. All the
beautiful theories failed as a means to overcome the depression.
It is true that the C. W. A. gave temporary employment to a large
number of the unemployed, which resulted in turn with a slight boom in
certain industries; but the statistics prove that the sum of the total
wages did not increase, but in actuality decreased. Prices for
consumption goods which the workers need grow faster than the wages.
With the New Deal the workers, as a class, received less of the total
social product than they did before. The Roosevelt policy only increased
the tempo of the general pauperization process. It resulted only in a
more planned distribution of misery for the working class. Even granting
much success in the elimination of competition, the Over-accumulation of
Capital is still working and leads to capitalist collapse.
The decrease in profits in the general crisis, intensifies the class
struggle. The political, as well as the economic struggle, becomes
sharper. Due to the concentration process, the political basis to rule
for capitalism becomes too small. It becomes necessary for the
capitalists to strengthen their political forces by engaging the middle
class and the farmers to their support. The old democratic methods are
not longer satisfactory; they must be exchanged for snappier and more
direct methods. A government is no longer sufficient; what is needed is
a dictatorship. The ferment and social unrest in the last stage of
capitalism must be suppressed and controlled that the system may
The Social Ideology.
Social consciousness is in capitalism an ideology like in all other
class societies. The purpose of this ideology is to hide the real
character of capitalism; to hide the different class interests and the
class struggle. In capitalist reality, no common interests exist. It has
to fake, by way of ideology, an appearance of common interest to enable
a social practice. The needs of capitalism are identified as the needs
of the whole human race.
With the sharpening of the actual class struggle, and the growing
contradiction between ideology and reality, it becomes more and more
difficult to uphold the sham of class collaboration as being the
interests of all classes. It becomes necessary to fight the idea of
class struggle more ruthlessly. Capital by way of its middle-class
spokesman becomes “social”; it no longer ignores the class
struggle but it makes the class struggle responsible for all capitalist
difficulties. The class struggle is not a result of the crisis; but now,
for capitalism, the crisis is the result of the class struggle. The idea
of the class struggle is given as an invention, brought by Marxian
criminals into the world. It is dangerous, not only for capital, but for
the whole of society. Real “socialism” makes the abolishment
of the class struggle necessary. The class struggle is not done away
with by the elimination of the classes, but by the destruction of the
Marxist class struggle “idea.” The middle classes, who
prefer to remain as a middle class rather than to become proletarians,
take to this idea, and by this are brought into a front with monopoly
capital against the workers. The labor-movement has pointed out what
distinguishes the classes; now capitalism points to what unites the
Ultra-nationalism also becomes a large part of the capitalist
ideology, so Fascism becomes “national-socialistic.” The
nation is set against the rest of the world, or against special enemies.
A “third” factor, not the class system, is responsible for
all the misery in which the people find themselves in a particular
country. The propaganda for imperialistic adventures is strengthened by
Fascism, however, is not necessarily bound to a specific ideology. It
may vary with the peculiarities, the history, the degree of development,
and other special things in the different countries. The essential
thing, however, is the same everywhere. It is developed in order to
preserve the existing social order.
The desires of the middle class were better fulfilled in the past
than at present. This makes of the Fascist ideology a reactionary one.
“Back to the good old times” is the cry of fascism in
Europe; “back to the days of the frontier” is the cry in
America, but it is reactionary only as an ideology. In reality, it
satisfies the further concentration process of capitalism and saves
profits for the ruling class.
The fact that fascism exists in the lesser developed countries, also,
does not alter the conclusion that it is a form of government under
monopoly capitalism. Czarism for example is only distinguished from the
German fascism by the fact that in the first case a feudal regime tried
to hold power; and in the second, a capitalist regime fights to remain
in control of society.
Fascism in the general crisis is a situation of capitalist barbarism.
Killing becomes a political science; robbery goes on as economy.
Pauperization of the workers, as the only source for making possible
profits, makes a passive proletariat necessary. To accomplish this,
enough privileges must be given the killers. The rebellion of the middle
class is essentially not directed against capitalism, but against their
own pauperization. Fascism makes use of all the energies of the middle
class, and engages them in the interests of capitalism against the only
revolutionary class – the proletariat.
In America, with the breakdown of the New Deal, it is considered a
likelihood that the Roosevelt regime will become a fascist dictatorship;
but this conclusion is not necessarily correct. Fascism is the best form
of government in the permanent crisis for monopoly capital; but it is
not an absolute necessity. A dictatorship of the capitalist class,
themselves, is possible here where the middle class are relatively weak.
Only when a condition exists where the workers are in a menacing
condition, when the middle class becomes rebellious, when a really
revolutionary situation lies before capitalism, then the ruling class
will be forced to further the fascist tendencies.
The new fascist organizations which are being organized in America,
and which try to copy the Hitler movement, are not the essential fascist
forces; but are merely private enterprises of small politicians. The
real fascist reserves are in the older organizations, such as the
American Legion and the American Federation of Labor, which have always
been the expression of every reactionary force of the middle class and
the labor aristocracy. These organizations are not yet fascist because
the class struggle has not yet developed to a point where it will be
necessary for American capitalism to engage its last reserves. When the
middle class become more pauperized than at present, the fascist
movement will grow faster in the United States than anywhere else; in
fact as the situation stands now in America, fascism has more chance to
develop than the revolutionary movement of the workers.
The old labor movement dies with capitalism. This enables fascism
even to draw many workers into their ranks. From social reform, the
development leads to social fascism. In spite of this development,
however, to escape their misery, nothing else is possible for the
working class than to overthrow fascism and the capitalist system. The
death crisis is in this respect different from all previous crisis, in
that, even if a part of the capitalist class should overcome the
depression from the viewpoint of their profits, for the workers the
continuation of capitalism means only the constantly worsening of their
conditions. The portion the workers get from the social product will be
always smaller; starvation and death are the only perspectives under
capitalism for the workers.
The international character of the depression, the international
character of the class struggle, will force the dictatorship of the
ruing class all over the world. Fascism becomes a world menace. To
escape this situation, nothing else is possible but that the workers
overthrow capitalism with the world revolution. History has set the
stage; – World Fascism or World Revolution – Barbarism or
THE OLD LABOR MOVEMENT.
The economic analysis has shown that the objective situation for
social revolution is present. The political situation however is
different. In a relative sense the international bourgeoisie was
politically never stronger despite their chaotic economic status. The
revolutionary working-class movement has suffered one defeat after
another culminating with the annihilation of the German movement which
was the key to the world revolution. These defeats can be attributed not
alone to the unreadiness of the movement, but also to the fact that the
workers failed to grasp the significance of the permanent crisis and
that the movement did not rid itself of the methods and traditions of
the old labor movement which are obstacles to the revolution.
The old labor movement had its beginning and development during the
upswing period of Capitalism, a period in which the pauperization
process of the workers only occurred in a relative manner. The Marxian
theory that with the accumulation of capital the accumulation of misery
of the workers went hand in hand, was for the superficial onlooker
defeated. Apparently as the productivity increased, so too, the living
standard of the workers became better. The fact that in relation to what
they produced the workers were getting less and less – that the
workers were getting a smaller and smaller part of the social product
was ignored. The trade-union and social-reform-parliamentary
organizations grew and even the political influence of the workers
seemed to increase. An opportunistic policy wherein the workers
gained reforms by aligning themselves with capitalistic groups against
other capitalistic groups, thus taking advantage of the divisions
among the capitalists, showed nothing but the backwardness of the
class struggle. This was the basis of the old labor movement in a period
when only reforms were possible. Even the labor movement could only have
a capitalist policy. The struggle between capital and labor was for a
greater share of the social product – a struggle on the basis of,
and inside the framework of capitalist society.
The theory of economic collapse and the principle of revolution was
easily lost and in its place grew the ideal of “peacefully growing
into socialism” The interests of the labor movement was made
identical with the interests of society as a whole, and so in
consequence with the interests of the capitalists. For reformism the
cause of crisis was the insufficiency of capitalistic organization. The
problem was not in capitalist production but in circulation of
commodities and in competition. This would be solved by the
concentration of capital and by education of the workers to the extent
where they would acquire legalistic political power enough to bring
socialism about by legislation. The revolutionary struggle was thrown
overboard and these capitalistic policies took their place to the degree
that the movement became only a tool in the control of capitalism.
From Social Reform to Social Fascism.
With the advent of the World War the pre-war old labor movement which
was combined in the Second International, dropped all Socialist phrases
and turned to defend the capitalists in the various countries. They
proved that their reactionary form was but a cloak for their reactionary
content. They also showed in the revolutionary period at the end of the
war, that these organizations which were built up to fight for reforms
inside of Capitalism, could not take advantage of a revolutionary
In the thunder of the Russian and Middle European revolutionary
uprisings the new labor movement was born. A revolutionary movement in a
revolutionary period. The goal was the overthrow of the capitalist
system. The means, were the new organizations of the workers,- the
committees of action, the workers’ councils, the Soviets.
Once more the old labor movement was able to serve Capitalism. It
defeated the young revolutionary movement with the slaughter of many
thousands of revolutionary workers in Germany, and by taking the control
out of the hands of the workers’ Soviets in Russia and instituting
the dictatorship of the Bolshevik Party over the workers. With new
names, new slogans, and new leaders, the Third International became the
center of the newly organized remnants of the old labor movement. A new
appearance, but the same old social democratic content. Thus started a
new period of trade-unionist horse-trade and parliamentary fakery in
which the working-class has gone from one defeat to another.
The Russian Development.
To understand the Third International, the Bolshevik movement with
its various oppositions, such as the Neo-bolsheviks of the “Fourth
International,” a review of the Russian development is
The industrial workers who took the lead and fought in the Russian
revolution, fought in the interest of communism. The peasants, however,
who were the vast majority and the real force of the revolution, did not
go beyond the new distribution of soil. Their principle urge was a
revolt against Feudal conditions to bring about the possibilities of
development of capitalistic agrarian technique. They have been
continuously a determining factor in the development of Russia since
The backward economic character of the country did not allow the
building up of a socialist society. The only policy possible under these
conditions was to make whatever concessions were necessary, in order to
hold power. This policy of making concessions on both a national and
international scale has developed to a point where it is now directed
against the interests of the industrial world proletariat and the world
It is true that this policy of concessions was to be adopted only
temporarily, and would be abolished as soon as the world revolution
would spread over Europe; but with the defeat of the German workers in
1919, and again in 1923,--the hope of a continuing world revolution was
given up. The main object now became one of holding and strengthening
the power of the Bolshevik Party in Russia.
The Russian Communist Party being the largest in the Third
International became the dominating section. The location of the
International at Moscow strengthened this tendency. With the national
and international interests of Russia as a determining influence, the
Third International proceeded to build up mass parties in the various
countries to support the Russian development. The different section of
the Communist movement were forced to adopt reformistic and
opportunistic policies to compete with the parties of the Second
International in order to control and use large portions of the
working-class. Defense of the Soviet Union became the first principle of
all the Communist parties of the Third International. The world
revolution of the proletariat was pushed aside, and the first duty now
of communists everywhere was the support of the Bolshevik regime and
“building socialism in Russia.” Any critic against this
policy was immediately cast out. The tradition of Bolshevik success of
1917 covered up their counter-revolution practice.
The breathing-spell which was to safeguard the Bolshevik regime led
to the growth of a strong bureaucracy. The “Dictatorship of the
workers” became a dictatorship of the bureaucracy over the
workers. They identified their interests with the interests of the
Russian workers, and even with those of the international working-class.
All the expediencies which they have found necessary have been done
“in the interest of the world revolution.” Trade alliances,
military alliances with capitalist countries, world peace in order to
carry on the industrialization process and to prepare for imperialistic
action, killing off of all real revolutionary movements in the name of
communism, building up a new system of exploitation of workers under the
name of “state communism,” sums up the present policy of the
bureaucracy and of its tool – the Communist International.
The principle activity of the various sections of the Third
International has become one of propaganda on behalf of Russia. By
portraying the wonderful progress made in the “Worker’s
Fatherland,” the workers of other countries are to be convinced
that to follow the example of the Russian workers is their solution.
Here again, as with the Second International, the revolutionary process
becomes one of propaganda alone. Some day the workers will be convinced,
and as a result of their consciousness they will act. Those who can
advertise the best will succeed. This is called “Marxism”
Lenin’s goal: “The worker’s state” or
“state capitalism under the control of the workers” (which
is after all a Utopia) has really led to the development of a state
capitalism which controls the workers. All socialist tendencies are
being killed, while the capitalist tendencies are becoming stronger. In
the prevailing ideology, which is necessary to cover up the realities,
it is described as “state communism” and “building
socialism.” The economic basis, however, is the exploitation of
workers. In place of the old Capitalistic and Feudal exploiters, new
ones – the organized bureaucracy – are in control. This
bureaucracy, not the workers, have control over the means of production
and consequently control over the products as well. With this the
exploitation of the workers is guaranteed.
It is explained that although exploitation now goes on, it will at a
later stage of development, be returned to the workers in the form of
social benefits and increasing wages. The practice of state communism
has proven, however, that with its development the workers are not less
but more exploited. It is true that they can show that the wages of
workers have increased, but they have not increased as fast as
productivity. Here we have the relative pauperization process of the
workers which in a later stage of development becomes absolute
pauperization. In pointing out that there is no unemployment, it proves
nothing but the fact that the industrial development has not been able
to convert the peasantry into industrial wage-workers as fast as is
required by present day technique. At a later stage of
industrialization, unemployment must of necessity develop just as in
other capitalistic countries.
The wage and capital relation of Russian production, the production
of exchange values, the control over the means of production by the
bureaucracy and not by the workers, excludes any development towards
communism in Russia. This new system of exploitation develops a new
ruling class, which is just as much an enemy to the proletarian
revolution, as were the capitalists before. A new proletarian revolution
becomes the perspective of the Russian workers. The capital relation in
production is bound to result in increasing misery for the workers, in
crisis and ultimate collapse.
The policy of the Third International of converting the character of
the communist movement into a defense corps for Russia diverts these
organized workers from the actual class struggle, and the real struggle
for proletarian revolution and communism.
Traditions from the past always hinder the real development of the
present. The workers continue to fight in the class struggle in the same
manner they fought in the past. In spite of the fact that both the
Internationals have collapsed as revolutionary organizations, the
ideology of these organizations still exist and hinder the development
of real revolutionary consciousness. In the countries where the labor
movement has been destroyed, the workers build up again on the old
principles and in the old forms which they had before.
The opposition groups who severely criticize the Third International
for its opportunism and its contradictions try to build a Neo-Bolshevist
movement. The criticism they offer, however, is purely on the basis of
tactics. The incorrect tactics of the Communist International and its
various sections result because of the poor leadership.
The question becomes one of good or bad leadership, a position based
on pure speculation because no one can tell how long leaders will
continue to be good, or how soon they will become bad. The competitive
struggle between leaders and bureaucracies in the movement characterizes
the struggle between the Communist International and its oppositions. In
their fight they try to elevate the struggle between political factions
to world history.
The whole program of the Neo-Bolsheviks of the “Fourth
International” groups can be summed up in their slogan,
“Back to Lenin.” As far as Lenin is concerned, he did
nothing more nor less than to propose the Marxian demand for the
dictatorship of the proletariat in a backward country in a modified
form. The modification of this demand, from the dictatorship of the
workers to the dictatorship of the party resulted from the backwardness
of the country. The Bolshevik success of 1917 is an historical one. The
success of their policy at that time does not assure success in another
country in another historical period. “Back to Lenin” is in
reality a meaningless, stupid phrase. A distinction between Leninism and
Stalinism is not possible, as the latter is but the outcome of the
former. It is not merely a defeat of Stalinism that confronts the world
movement, but the whole Bolshevik period which started with Lenin has
found its historical end. The question today has become
Bolshevism or Communism.
For the Bolshevist movement as well as for the Reformist movement of
the Second International, the development of class consciousness was
determined by the development of the Party. Without the right Party,
without the right tactics and right leadership, the workers were
helpless. The workers may fight, but their struggles could not be
successful without the right party in the lead. So the Party becomes the
determining thing. The correct party is the one with the most correct
program and tactic. The correct tactic depends upon the correct
leadership, and so in the last analysis, history again becomes the work
of great men.
The Trade Union Question.
The struggle of the competing bureaucracies in the movement manifests
itself in the attempts of building up mass organizations. With this
objective, their approach to the trade union movement becomes one of
trying to win workers by working within the trade unions, or shows
itself in attempts at capturing control of the unions. An analysis of
the trade union movement is necessary.
The success of the trade unions depends on the condition wherein a
section of the workers better themselves at the expense of the rest of
the working class. It presupposes a division of the workers into the
organized minority and the unorganized majority. It can at no time
represent the interests of the working class. It can only function in
capitalism, and the more stable capitalism is, the better it can
function. Its function centers about the fight of the organized section
of the workers for reforms in the struggle against the relative
pauperization process in the upswing period of capitalism. In the
permanent crisis when the pauperization process becomes absolute, the
trade union movement loses all possibility to function even in the
interest of the organized section. Worse, they become not only passive
in the struggles between capital and labor, but actually reactionary to
the extent that they operate to defeat all real struggles of the workers
against the encroachment of capital on their living standard.
Because of the tendency toward spontaneous strikes, and the
possibility that the bureaucratic leadership of the trade union movement
may lose control of the workers in the last stage of capitalism, it even
loses its value for the capitalist class. As a result, it changes to a
“bulwark against revolution” and becomes one of the best
supporters of the system. By neutralizing large sections of the workers,
it is as strong a force in behalf of Fascism as the Fascist movement is
by fighting for it.
The “boring from within” policy to capture the unions or
to revolutionize the trade unions is just as impossible as the Socialist
policy of revolutionizing the capitalist government. The new communist
trade unions, in countries where they had a chance to develop, turned
just as reactionary as the old ones.
When the capitalist crisis deepens to a dangerous stage, capitalism
will destroy the trade unions or make them servile Fascist organizations
operating against the workers. They can no longer allow them to function
independently because of the danger that the leadership may lose their
control and the workers may precipitate a struggle which would be
dangerous to capitalism in such a precarious period.
In the permanent crisis, the trade union movement has reached its
historical end, and must be demolished as a menace to the revolutionary
Participating In Parliamentary Politics.
The parliamentary-political parties are build up like the trade
unions with a bureaucratic leadership at the top who control the members
and the activities of the organization. The organization always
functions in the interests of the bureaucracy rather than in the
interests of the workers.
Parliaments belong to the capitalist class, and the capitalist
system. Their function is to serve as an instrument for the legal
differences between the capitalist groups inside the system. It is
absolutely useless as a “revolutionary Tribunal,” and in the
permanent depression cannot even allow the slightest reform in favor of
the workers. The use of elections as a “barometer of the ripeness
of the working-class” is just another cover for parliamentary
fakery a “revolutionary parliamentarism” is impossible as
participation in parliamentary activity is based on compromise, and that
means the workers must give up their real class interests.
Parliament also serves as a means of putting illusions into the heads
of the workers. The active struggle and initiative of the workers is not
necessary. The leaders will get the results for them in the parliaments.
In the face of growing World Fascism, it is a crime to call for the
participation in parliamentary activity which distracts the workers from
the real struggle to an illusionary one.
In the last stage of monopoly capitalism, parliamentarism loses its
value even for the capitalist class. Even as an ideology,
“Democracy” cannot be tolerated. Fascist dictatorship
becomes the only means of absolute control necessary to capitalism.
The activity of building up the historically out-worn parliamentary
political parties defeats the revolutionary movement of the working
class in the fact that they thereby neglect the real class struggle and
the real revolutionary movement.
THE NEW REVOLUTIONARY LABOR MOVEMENT.
For Reformism, as well as for Bolshevism, the development of
class-consciousness means the development of the Party. The Party is the
head, the brain, the director in the class struggle and of the
revolution. Without a Party, and especially without a party with the
right program and the right tactics, the workers are helpless. The
workers may revolt, but without the leadership of the party they cannot
fight successfully. The tempo of development of the party is the tempo
of the revolution itself. Correct slogans, correct tactics are important
and the leadership is the most important of all. The initiative of the
masses is killed; discipline to the party-line is what counts. The
influence of the party is everything, the revolution is only the result
of this influence.
Loyalty to the party means in the last analysis loyalty to the
bureaucracy in control. There can be no control of the workers
themselves; nor can there be any real united front of the workers
possible because of the competition between the various groups of
The conception of the old labor movement from Kautsky to Lenin, that
the workers by themselves will never develop real class-consciousness;
that the party is necessary to bring this consciousness to the masses;
is a mechanical conception of the role that consciousness plays in the
class struggle and has nothing to do with Marx or Marxism. For Marx the
revolution of the proletariat is inevitable. It grows out of the social
process of the development of the productive powers.
The proletariat, a productive power in itself, a class independent of
the ideology of any organization, is the materialization of
class-consciousness which results from the dialectic movement of society
from a lower to a higher form. Even if revolution and consciousness is
an interchanging process, revolution is the primary factor. Revolution
not ideology is the determining factor.
Class-consciousness does not have to be expressed in the party-form;
it can also be expressed in other organizational forms. If the party
expressed the crystallization of class-consciousness at one
time during the historical process it does not follow that this will
always be the case. The fact that never in the last twenty years, has
the party been the determining factor in any revolutionary situation is
an undisputable fact. The Soviets, the committees of action, the workers
and soldiers councils were the spontaneous expression of the fighting
Revolutionary class-consciousness can be expressed and is expressed
in Capitalism as an ideology. But it is more than this; it is also
identical with the material struggle of the workers regardless of their
ideology. It grows out of the needs and struggles of the workers in
action, as the economic and historical process develops. Class
consciousness apart from the working-class in action means nothing.
In the last stage of the period of capitalistic decline, the ruling
class cannot tolerate even the slightest economic disturbance. Their
position becomes so precarious that they must suppress the least
movement on the part of the workers. They are forced to fight the
workers as if they were revolutionists, regardless of how backward may
be the ideology of these workers. They thereby force the workers to
fight back as if they were fighting for revolutionary goals. Against
their will, the ruling class teaches the workers the weapon of Civil
War. Capitalism not only produces its own grave-diggers, but it also
shows them how to fight capitalism successfully.
Fascism will destroy the old labor movement, but will need to build
up a new bureaucracy in its place. To hold power, to assure its own
existence, the new bureaucracy must suppress the movement of the workers
continually. The permanent crisis forces permanent terror, an expression
of capitalistic barbarism in its last stage. It may retard the
organizing of the workers, but it cannot stop the class struggle.
New organizations will grow and vanish, and again new ones will grow
in their place. None of them will be permanent or powerful enough to
control large portions of the workers. Big, centralized organizations
will no longer be possible in a situation of capitalist
The political necessity of the ruling class, however, to isolate, to
atomize the workers as it were, does not change the economic necessity
of having workers in large quantities together in factories, in
industries, unemployed centers, civil work projects, etc. Where workers
are combined together with common interests, common situations, they
will organize in the new form which cannot be controlled or destroyed.
They will organize for action and select from their own ranks a
leadership. The committees of actionare here the only possible
leadership in the workers councils,-the Soviets. The leadership of
workers, never separate from the fighting workers, under the control of
the workers will suffer in case of defeat just as the workers who are
defeated. The Soviets, or workers councils, which have been the real
organization of workers in all working-class uprisings, becomes in the
permanent crisis of capitalism the only possible form of organization.
Capitalist suppression brings into being the organization and
instruments of struggle.
These organizations, in spite of their organizational weakness, will
have in their ranks the real revolutionists. Their clarity will mean
more in the coming mass actions, than the automatic following of leaders
which distinguishes the old labor movement. The self-initiative of the
workers will characterize these movements. The Soviets becomes the
practice of the working-class, and with this – revolution becomes
the question of the day. The revolution, is the work of the
proletariat as a class, and the class can only be brought into
action above all party and group interests, and can only be successful
in this function in the form of Soviets.
The Role of the Party.
The communist revolutionary party is an instrument of revolution and
as such it must serve that purpose. It has no interests separate from
the working-class, but is only an expression of the fact that minorities
become consciously revolutionary earlier than the broad masses. It uses
this advantage only in the interests of the working-class. It does not
look for power for itself or for any bureaucracy, but works to
strengthen the power of the workers councils, Soviets. It is not
interested to hold positions, but to place the power in the hands of
workers committees, exercised by the workers themselves. It does not
seek to lead the workers, but tells the workers to use their
own initiative. It is a propaganda organization for Communism, and shows
by examplehow to fight in action.
The communist revolutionary party does not compete with other
organizations for members or for control of masses of workers. It seeks
no power inside of capitalism, so has no use for parliaments or trade
unions; but realizing the reactionary nature of these, must fight all
organizations which tend to lead workers away from the real struggle and
the revolutionary objective.
Because the exploitation of workers in capitalism is only possible
because the capitalist class controls the means of production and so
also the product, the party will fight not only for the revolution, but
to place this control into the hands of the workers. The proletarian
revolution for communism must abolish the wage system, and so
the party stands for doing away with the wage and capital relationship.
The party fights against “state communism” for real
communism as it fights the dictatorship of the party for dictatorship of
Although the stage is not yet set in the U. S. A. for the final
conflict between capitalism and communism, this does not exclude the
possibility of a real revolutionary program. The party, because it has
no interests separate from the working-class, fights with them in
their struggles for existence at all times, always pointing to the
final necessity of proletarian revolution. The party engages in the
struggles for immediate demands as long as the workers themselves are
directly and actually engaged in the struggle. It refuses to do anything
for the workers, as no one can do anything for them which they cannot
themselves accomplish. The party will participate in the struggle of the
unemployed, in strikes, and in all activity which will deepen and
sharpen the class struggle, and develop the self-initiative and
militancy of the workers. The party under no circumstances engages in
any form of parliamentary activity, or deals as a medium between capital
and labor in the union field. It is only interested in the
fight and struggle of the workers and in the proletarian revolution; to
make a business of the labor movement it leaves to its
We, of the working-class, find ourselves in this the death crisis of
capitalism, in a situation of continuously worsening conditions, general
wide-spread misery, subject to the onslaughts of a ruthless
‘capitalist class, menaced by a vicious world-wide movement of
Fascism, betrayed by the reactionary so-called labor leadership,
hampered by outworn traditions, and confronted with numerous intensified
struggles. It is necessary in this situation, not only to understand the
historic process but also to recognize our enemies. Our duty, our
historic task lies before us. As the world crisis deepens, the
revolutionary situation approaches, wherein must be fought the final
conflict against Capitalist barbarism for the dictatorship of the
proletariat and for the realization of real communism, – the
association of free and equal producers.
PROGRAM of THE UNITED WORKERS PARTY of AMERICA.
The present crisis definitely establishes that Capitalism has passed
its zenith and is now in the stages of decline. It will be a permanent
crisis as long as the Capitalist order lasts. From now on the
Capitalists can only retain their position as ruling class by the
general, absolute and continuous pauperization of the working-class. In
order to insure this uninterrupted pauperization process, it becomes
necessary to discard the democratic political structure and open
dictatorship takes its place. World-wide Fascism confronts the
working-class, unless they carry through a successful proletarian
revolution, establish the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of
The old labor movement cannot fulfill this necessity; they have no
chance to survive the onslaughts of the ruling-class. They are unable to
fulfill the historic task of the Proletariat. The Reformist, the
Trade-union, the Bolshevik and the Neo-bolshevik movements, even against
their own wishes, will act in the interests of Capitalism. They must be
pushed aside to make room for the workers’ Soviets, the fighting
organizations of the revolution.
In distinction to other parties, who in their anxiety for numerical
strength and influence make concessions to the agrarian classes and
petite-bourgeoisie, the United Workers’ Party maintains that the
only real revolutionary class in society is the proletariat. We fight
with the workers in their struggles for immediate demands as long as the
workers themselves are engaged in these struggles, always pointing out
that the only final solution for the working-class is in the proletarian
We are opposed to all parliamentary and trade-union activity as these
activities can accomplish nothing in the period of permanent crisis, but
tend to act against the interests of the workers as a class; only the
actual struggle of the workers themselves can accomplish any results.
Only during the period of collapse of Capitalism is the proletarian
revolution historically possible and the only form of organization which
can survive and function successfully during this stage is the
workers’ councils led by the committees of action.
Our theory and practice is a Marxian one, and we consider ourselves
the real communist movement of the present and the future. We shall work
for unity between groups such as ours in the many countries throughout
the world, to bring into being a real revolutionary International on the
basis of this program.